社会流动性和对再分配的支持:从政策偏好中分离美国梦

M. George
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引用次数: 2

摘要

这项研究考察了向上的社会流动性在多大程度上影响了人们对不平等的看法以及对再分配和税收的偏好。一项新颖的调查实验和对两项全国性调查(1993年至2012年)的分析表明,感知到的或实际的社会流动性与个人对再分配、对富人征税或其他各种政策(如教育支出)的偏好之间几乎没有关系。尽管如此,在1980年至2016年总统选举结果的县级分析中,地方社会流动性与共和党偏好之间存在显著关系,其中社会流动性与共和党偏好之间的强烈关系超过了收入和收入不平等之间的关系,并且对包括人口权重,州固定效应和广泛的控制变量在内的许多规格都是稳健的。在国家调查数据和调查实验中证实了与党派关系而不是政策的联系。重要的是,这种党派效应与收入无关:无论他们自己的收入如何,只要低收入家庭的孩子表现好,个人就更倾向于共和党。最后,新的调查证据表明,美国人对当地经济流动性的认知相对准确,而不是普遍高估。总之,这些结果提供了对Meltzer-Richard投票框架及其向上流动前景(POUM)变体的传统模型的实证反驳,该模型认为对再分配的偏好取决于对未来税收收益或损失的信念。相反,这一证据表明,对再分配和相关政策的态度并没有受到对经济向上流动的信念的强烈影响,这意味着对更大再分配的抵制可能不是由对“美国梦”的错误信念所驱动的。
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Social Mobility and Support for Redistribution: Separating the American Dream from Policy Preferences
This study examines the extent to which upward social mobility impacts beliefs about inequality and preferences for redistribution and taxation. A novel survey experiment and analysis of two national surveys (1993-2012) establish that there is little to no relationship between perceived or actual rates of social mobility and an individual's preferences for redistribution, taxation of the rich, or a variety of other policies examined, like educational spending. Despite this, local social mobility has a significant relationship with preferences for the Republican party in a county-level analysis of Presidential electoral results from 1980 to 2016, where the strong relationship between social mobility and Republican party preference surpasses that of income and income inequality and is robust to numerous specifications including population weighting, state fixed effects and an extensive battery of control variables. The connection with partisanship rather than policy is confirmed in the national survey data and the survey experiment. Importantly, this partisan effect does not interact with income: regardless of their own income, individuals are more Republican wherever low-income children do well. Finally, rather than universal overestimation, new survey evidence suggests that Americans possess relatively accurate perceptions of local rates of economic mobility. Together, these results provide an empirical rebuttal to conventional models of the Meltzer-Richard voting framework and its prospect of upward mobility (POUM) variant, which argues that preferences for redistribution depend on beliefs about future gains or losses from taxation. Instead, this evidence suggests that attitudes toward redistribution and related policies are not strongly impacted by beliefs in upward economic mobility, which implies that resistance to greater redistribution may not be driven by unmerited belief in the ‘American dream.'
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