句子核心中的不连续线性化

Alexandru Nicolae
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摘要

本章分析了古罗马尼亚语和现代罗曼语变体中发现的两种不同现象,即“插值”和“乱置”,以对抗古罗马尼亚语的数据。由高级功能元素(短语和助动词)和词汇动词之间的不邻接性统一起来,插值和置乱在“句子核心的不连续线性化”这个笼统术语下进行了讨论,并被证明是在古罗马尼亚语中通过沿着小句脊柱的低级动词运动而衍生出来的。古罗马尼亚语中低动词运动的存在支持了罗马尼亚语和罗曼语中v升时程的一个重要方面:广泛的V-to-I运动不仅通过重新分析宽松的V2语法(特定于矩阵分句)来实现,而且还通过沿着分句脊柱向左升v的渐进过程(表征嵌入分句)来实现。涉及高功能元素和模态复合谓词的不连续线性化为插值和置乱的分析提供了证据。
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Discontiguous linearizations in the sentential core
This chapter analyses two distinct phenomena found in old and modern Romance varieties, namely ‘interpolation’ and ‘scrambling’, against the data of old Romanian. Unified by the non-adjacency between higher functional elements (clitics and auxiliary verbs) and the lexical verb, interpolation and scrambling are discussed under the blanket term ‘discontiguous linearizations in the sentential core’ and are shown to be derived in old Romanian through lower verb movement along the clausal spine. The existence of lower verb movement in old Romanian supports an important aspect of the diachrony of V-raising in Romanian and in the Romance languages: generalized V-to-I movement is not attained only through the reanalysis of a relaxed V2 grammar (specific to matrix clauses), but also through a gradual process of V-raising to the left along the clausal spine (characterizing embedded clauses). Discontiguous linearizations involving higher functional elements and modal complex predicates bring evidence for the analysis of interpolation and scrambling.
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Inversion as a residual old Romance V2 grammar Discontiguous linearizations in the sentential core Demonstrative specialization and the emergence of the determiner cel Word order and parameter change in Romanian Diachronic features of Romanian in a broader comparative setting
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