重新审视里斯本进程——对欧洲社会模式的现实检验

Arno Tausch
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引用次数: 2

摘要

这篇文章描绘了欧洲现实的暗淡景象。在9个主要预测指标的基础上分析世界社会、性别、生态和经济发展,与240多项关于全球“人类状况”跨国决定因素的已发表研究中的大多数相一致,我们首先展示了131个国家的32个发展绩效方程的结果,并提供了现有数据。我们的结论是,虽然在经济增长、再分配和性别问题方面,“蓝色”市场模式是世界系统管理的最佳和最可行的方式得到了一些证实,但在预期寿命和人类发展指数等重要和基本指标方面,“红绿”的对立立场得到了证实。我们还表明,欧洲的危机不是由新自由主义者所说的“缺乏世界经济开放”造成的,相反,是由欧洲和拉丁美洲近年来经历的大量被动全球化造成的。我们对全球化进程速度的综合衡量是基于资本渗透随时间的增加,经济开放随时间的增加,以及相对价格水平随时间的下降:美国、墨西哥、非洲的大部分地区以及西亚和南亚的大部分地区逃脱了全球化的综合压力,而拉丁美洲的东部和南部、欧洲的大部分地区、俄罗斯和中国的特点是全球化的速度特别快。由欧盟25国组成的“更广泛的欧洲”与更发达的拉美国家的社会现实相距不远。从世界体系理论的观点来看,这种趋势不是沿着社会指标的历史起伏的巧合运动,而是一种更加根深蒂固的危机的症状,这是欧洲大陆真正的重新边缘化和重新边缘化的开始。最后,我们还展示了这些假设与分析欧洲地区不平等的相关性。成熟的经济学告诉我们,要弥合经济差距,需要一个趋同的过程,贝拉•巴拉萨(Bela Balassa)和保罗•萨缪尔森(Paul Samuelson)在40多年前分别描述了这一过程,此后一直被称为“巴拉萨-萨缪尔森效应”。但随着高度发达的欧洲中心国家的非贸易品价格不断下跌,一度被称为巴拉萨/萨缪尔森效应的逆转已经开始。我们的宏观定量计算表明,考虑到其他重要的干预因素,如发展水平和人力资本形成,最近的“博尔克斯坦指令”中固有的极端自由主义思想应该导致欧洲以前“不可贸易”服务部门的价格水平大幅下降,这肯定会与增长和更好的就业(因此也包括性别关系)的某些方面相容。但我们全球化的其他三个主要指标,即高外国储蓄、“经济自由”和高跨国公司渗透比率,仍然与社会领域的严重赤字非常系统地联系在一起,无论选择何种研究设计。此外,强大的集聚力量推动欧洲朝着区域收入进一步集中和不平等的方向发展,从而阻碍了东欧新成员国中较贫穷部分的希望。在这些条件下,追赶发展的进程似乎是一个非常遥远的希望。
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The Lisbon Process, Re-Visited - A Reality Check of the European Social Model
This article portrays a bleak picture of European realities. Analyzing world social, gender, ecological and economic development on the basis of the main 9 predictors, compatible with the majority of the more than 240 published studies on the cross-national determinants of the “human condition” around the globe, we first present results of 32 equations about development performance in 131 countries with available data. We come to the conclusion that while there is some confirmation for the “blue”, market paradigm as the best and most viable way of world systems governance concerning economic growth, re-distribution and gender issues, the “red-green” counter-position is confirmed concerning such vital and basic indicators as life expectancy and the human development index. We also show that Europe’s crisis is not caused by what the neo-liberals term a “lack of world economic openness” but rather, on the contrary, by the enormous amount of passive globalization that Europe – together with Latin America – experienced over recent years. Our combined measure of the velocity of the globalization process is based on the increases of capital penetration over time, on the increases of economic openness over time, and on the decreases of the comparative price level over time: the United States, Mexico, larger parts of Africa and large sections of West and South Asia escaped from the combined pressures of globalization, while Eastern and Southern Latin America, very large parts of Europe, Russia and China were characterized by a specially high tempo of globalization. The “wider Europe” of the EU-25 is not too distantly away from the social realities of the more advanced Latin American countries. From the viewpoint of world systems theory such tendencies are not a coincidental movement along the historic ups and downs of social indicators, but the very symptom of a much more deep-rooted crisis, which is the beginning of the real re-marginalization and re-peripherization of the European continent. We finally also show the relevance of these assumptions for the analysis of European regional inequality. Established economics teaches us that for economic gaps to be bridged, a process of convergence sets in that was described by Bela Balassa and Paul Samuelson, independently from each other, more than 4 decades ago, and which is called ever since the “Balassa-Samuelson effect”. But a reversal of what was once known as the Balassa/Samuelson effect has set in, with falling prices of non-tradables in the highly developed European center countries. Our macro-quantitative calculations show that considering other important intervening factors, like development levels and human capital formation, the ultraliberal thinking inherent in the recent “Bolkestein directive” that should lead to a considerable lowering of price levels in the formerly “non-tradable” sectors of services in Europe would be certainly compatible with some aspects of growth and better employment (and thus also gender relations), but our three main other indicators of globalization, i.e. high foreign saving, “economic freedom” and high MNC penetration ratios, are still very systematically linked with severe deficits in the social sphere, whatever the research design chosen. And in addition, powerful forces of agglomeration propel Europe in the direction of further regional income concentration and inequality, thus blocking the hopes of the poorer segments of the East European new member countries. A process of catching up development seems under these conditions a very remote hope indeed.
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