Tgdaya Seediq元音变化韵律对应的证据

Jennifer Kuo
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本文提出了韵律对应的新证据,比较了形态学上相关形式的韵律单位(如主重音核和突出音节)。由于韵律对应在克罗斯怀特(1998)对查莫罗语的分析中被形式化,它几乎没有得到任何实证讨论。我认为Tgdaya Seediq(南岛语,阿塔亚语)有元音变化,应该用韵律对应来分析。在赛德克语中,无后缀和带后缀的形式往往共用同一个重读音节核。这种元音匹配模式不能解释为表面和谐,但它可以解释为在形态学相关形式中强制主重读核元音同一性的约束结果。与Crosswhite(1998)分析的分类交替不同,Seediq元音匹配是梯度的,只出现在统计层面上。然而,韵律对应似乎在赛德克语共时语法中很活跃;在生产实验中,演讲者将元音匹配应用于新形式,甚至将其过度推广到词汇统计无法预测的环境中。元音匹配在最大熵谐波语法(Goldwater & Johnson 2003)中建模,这是OT的随机变体。我使用韵律对应来强制元音匹配,并使用Zuraw(2000,2010)的双重列表方法来捕捉词汇和实验结果之间的差异。
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Evidence for prosodic correspondence in the vowel alternations of Tgdaya Seediq
This paper brings new evidence for PROSODIC CORRESPONDENCE, where prosodic units (e.g. main-stressed nuclei and prominent syllables) of morphologically related forms are compared. Since prosodic correspondence was formalized in Crosswhite’s (1998) analysis of Chamorro, it has received almost no empirical discussion. I argue that Tgdaya Seediq (Austronesian, Atayalic) has vowel alternations that should be analyzed using prosodic correspondence. In Seediq, unsuffixed and suffixed forms tend to share the same stressed syllable nucleus. This VOWEL MATCHING pattern cannot be explained as surface harmony, but it can be explained as the result of a constraint enforcing vowel identity of main-stressed nuclei in morphologically related forms. Unlike the categorical alternations analyzed by Crosswhite (1998), Seediq vowel matching is gradient and only emerges on a statistical level. Nevertheless, prosodic correspondence appears to be active in the synchronic grammar of Seediq; in a production experiment, speakers applied vowel matching to novel forms and even over-generalized it to environments not predicted by lexical statistics. Vowel matching is modeled in Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar (Goldwater & Johnson 2003), a stochastic variant of OT. I use prosodic correspondence to enforce vowel matching, and Zuraw’s (2000, 2010) dual listing approach to capture the discrepancy between lexical and experimental results.
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