Some phonologically significant generalizations result from processes, often formalized as rewrite rules, while others result from interactions among independently motivated processes, often formalized in terms of serial ordering. We adopt these general formalizations of processes and interactions to address two questions. One is the interaction question: what are all the possible forms of interaction between two processes? The other is the opacity question: what makes an interactions between two processes opaque? We show that these questions are best addressed with a rigorous algebraic formalization of processes and their pairwise interactions, describing the complete formal typology of process interactions and identifying the formal properties of those interactions that lead to different types of opacity.
{"title":"A formal typology of process interactions","authors":"Eric Baković, Lev Blumenfeld","doi":"10.3765/pda.v6art3.83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v6art3.83","url":null,"abstract":"Some phonologically significant generalizations result from processes, often formalized as rewrite rules, while others result from interactions among independently motivated processes, often formalized in terms of serial ordering. We adopt these general formalizations of processes and interactions to address two questions. One is the interaction question: what are all the possible forms of interaction between two processes? The other is the opacity question: what makes an interactions between two processes opaque? We show that these questions are best addressed with a rigorous algebraic formalization of processes and their pairwise interactions, describing the complete formal typology of process interactions and identifying the formal properties of those interactions that lead to different types of opacity.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"16 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140695488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper describes and analyzes the onset-sensitive stress system of Iron Ossetian (Eastern Iranian; Russia, Georgia; henceforth Iron). Iron instantiates a rare stress pattern that has been controversially identified in previous literature. Attested onset sensitive systems are commonly sensitive to onset presence or quality (Hyde 2007; Gordon 2005; Topintzi 2010). However, stress in Iron is categorically sensitive to onset complexity, but not onset presence. Syllables with simplex onsets or null onsets are light. Those with complex onsets are heavy. Such a pattern has only been claimed for a few languages, often controversially (Topintzi 2010, 2022). This pattern provides a challenge for current OT frameworks designed to analyze onset sensitive stress. This paper first establishes evidence for the weight of the aforementioned syllable types and then provides an OT analysis for this onset-sensitive pattern.
本文描述并分析了铁奥塞梯语（东伊朗语；俄罗斯，格鲁吉亚；以下简称铁语）的起始敏感重音系统。铁奥塞梯语是一种罕见的重音模式，在以往的文献中曾引起争议。已证实的起音敏感系统通常对起音的存在或质量敏感（Hyde，2007 年；Gordon，2005 年；Topintzi，2010 年）。然而，《铁》中的重音对起音的复杂性很敏感，但对起音的存在却不敏感。单音节起音或空起音的音节是轻音。而有复杂起音的音节则重。这种模式只在少数几种语言中出现过，而且经常引起争议（Topintzi，2010 年，2022 年）。这种模式对当前旨在分析起始敏感重音的 OT 框架提出了挑战。本文首先为上述音节类型的重音建立了证据，然后对这种起始敏感模式进行了 OT 分析。
{"title":"Sensitivity to complex onsets in Iron Ossetian","authors":"Amber Lubera","doi":"10.3765/pda.v6art2.71","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v6art2.71","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes and analyzes the onset-sensitive stress system of Iron Ossetian (Eastern Iranian; Russia, Georgia; henceforth Iron). Iron instantiates a rare stress pattern that has been controversially identified in previous literature. Attested onset sensitive systems are commonly sensitive to onset presence or quality (Hyde 2007; Gordon 2005; Topintzi 2010). However, stress in Iron is categorically sensitive to onset complexity, but not onset presence. Syllables with simplex onsets or null onsets are light. Those with complex onsets are heavy. Such a pattern has only been claimed for a few languages, often controversially (Topintzi 2010, 2022). This pattern provides a challenge for current OT frameworks designed to analyze onset sensitive stress. This paper first establishes evidence for the weight of the aforementioned syllable types and then provides an OT analysis for this onset-sensitive pattern.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":" 95","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140210850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Amuzgo (Eastern Otomanguean), the formation of nominal plurals exhibits many realizations, ranging from the simple addition of a nasal prefix, to additional initial consonant fortition, initial consonant deletion, and sometimes also the replacement of the prefixal nasal by a lateral. In this paper, we argue that all of these changes follow from two main principles: (1) The underlying contrast between the two pairs of phonemes characterized by a delayed release – the [+anterior] /s, ʦ/ and the [‑anterior] /ʃ, ʧ/ – must be maintained; and (2) /s, ʃ/ cannot be faithfully realized after [n]. These principles, in interaction with other considerations, lead to an establishment of a push chain (/s/→/ʦ/→/t/) among [+anterior] consonants and to a case of saltation (/ʧ/→/ʧ/; /ʃ/→/k/) among [-anterior] consonants.
{"title":"Contrast preservation and other segmental effects in the formation of Xochistlahuaca Amuzgo plurals","authors":"Bien Dobui, Noam Faust, Jair Apóstol Polanco","doi":"10.3765/pda.v6art1.86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v6art1.86","url":null,"abstract":"In Amuzgo (Eastern Otomanguean), the formation of nominal plurals exhibits many realizations, ranging from the simple addition of a nasal prefix, to additional initial consonant fortition, initial consonant deletion, and sometimes also the replacement of the prefixal nasal by a lateral. In this paper, we argue that all of these changes follow from two main principles: (1) The underlying contrast between the two pairs of phonemes characterized by a delayed release – the [+anterior] /s, ʦ/ and the [‑anterior] /ʃ, ʧ/ – must be maintained; and (2) /s, ʃ/ cannot be faithfully realized after [n]. These principles, in interaction with other considerations, lead to an establishment of a push chain (/s/→/ʦ/→/t/) among [+anterior] consonants and to a case of saltation (/ʧ/→/ʧ/; /ʃ/→/k/) among [-anterior] consonants.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"18 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140265116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ticuna (ISO: tca; Peru, Colombia, Brazil) displays a larger tone inventory – five level tones – than any other Indigenous American language outside Oto-Manguean. Based on recent fieldwork, this article argues that, in addition to these tone properties, the Cushillococha variety of Ticuna also displays stress. Stress corresponds to morphological structure, licenses additional tonal and segmental contrasts, conditions many phonological processes, and plays a central role in grammatical tone processes marking clause type. Empirically, these findings expand our understanding of word prosody in tone languages in general and Amazonian languages in particular. Theoretically, they challenge current models of stress-conditioned phonology and grammatical tone.
{"title":"Tone, stress, and their interactions in Cushillococha Ticuna","authors":"Amalia Skilton","doi":"10.3765/pda.v5art5.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v5art5.58","url":null,"abstract":"Ticuna (ISO: tca; Peru, Colombia, Brazil) displays a larger tone inventory – five level tones – than any other Indigenous American language outside Oto-Manguean. Based on recent fieldwork, this article argues that, in addition to these tone properties, the Cushillococha variety of Ticuna also displays stress. Stress corresponds to morphological structure, licenses additional tonal and segmental contrasts, conditions many phonological processes, and plays a central role in grammatical tone processes marking clause type. Empirically, these findings expand our understanding of word prosody in tone languages in general and Amazonian languages in particular. Theoretically, they challenge current models of stress-conditioned phonology and grammatical tone.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128745023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Orthographic representations are often derived from phonological analyses or representations, and can even lead to claims about phonological representations (Sproat 2000). In Armenian, many strings of orthographic consonants are broken up by schwas in pronunciation. As a grammatical process, this spelling-pronunciation mismatch is sensitive to a host of phonological, morphological, and morphophonological factors. I systematically catalog these factors, and this systematicity reinforces previous generative arguments that the orthographic form (without schwas) matches the underlying form (without schwas) (Vaux 1998). As for these factors, I argue that, phonologically, the epenthesis is triggered by directional syllabification and other syllabification-based constraints, including constraints on sibilant-stop contiguity (Itô 1989). Morphologically, epenthesis respects morpheme boundaries even when the boundary is semantically opaque, whether from prefixation, compounding, reduplication, or pseudo-reduplication. And from the morphophonology, there is evidence that epenthesis is simultaneously a phonological rule. It is an early lexical rule and it interacts opaquely with allomorphy and strata. Thus, this paper argues for a tight integration of orthographic, phonological, and morphological structures (cf. Boersma 2011; Hamann & Colombo 2017).
{"title":"Isomorphism between orthography and underlying forms in the syllabification of the Armenian schwa","authors":"Hossep Dolatian","doi":"10.3765/pda.v5art4.68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v5art4.68","url":null,"abstract":"Orthographic representations are often derived from phonological analyses or representations, and can even lead to claims about phonological representations (Sproat 2000). In Armenian, many strings of orthographic consonants are broken up by schwas in pronunciation. As a grammatical process, this spelling-pronunciation mismatch is sensitive to a host of phonological, morphological, and morphophonological factors. I systematically catalog these factors, and this systematicity reinforces previous generative arguments that the orthographic form (without schwas) matches the underlying form (without schwas) (Vaux 1998). As for these factors, I argue that, phonologically, the epenthesis is triggered by directional syllabification and other syllabification-based constraints, including constraints on sibilant-stop contiguity (Itô 1989). Morphologically, epenthesis respects morpheme boundaries even when the boundary is semantically opaque, whether from prefixation, compounding, reduplication, or pseudo-reduplication. And from the morphophonology, there is evidence that epenthesis is simultaneously a phonological rule. It is an early lexical rule and it interacts opaquely with allomorphy and strata. Thus, this paper argues for a tight integration of orthographic, phonological, and morphological structures (cf. Boersma 2011; Hamann & Colombo 2017).","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128355427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper brings new evidence for PROSODIC CORRESPONDENCE, where prosodic units (e.g. main-stressed nuclei and prominent syllables) of morphologically related forms are compared. Since prosodic correspondence was formalized in Crosswhite’s (1998) analysis of Chamorro, it has received almost no empirical discussion. I argue that Tgdaya Seediq (Austronesian, Atayalic) has vowel alternations that should be analyzed using prosodic correspondence. In Seediq, unsuffixed and suffixed forms tend to share the same stressed syllable nucleus. This VOWEL MATCHING pattern cannot be explained as surface harmony, but it can be explained as the result of a constraint enforcing vowel identity of main-stressed nuclei in morphologically related forms. Unlike the categorical alternations analyzed by Crosswhite (1998), Seediq vowel matching is gradient and only emerges on a statistical level. Nevertheless, prosodic correspondence appears to be active in the synchronic grammar of Seediq; in a production experiment, speakers applied vowel matching to novel forms and even over-generalized it to environments not predicted by lexical statistics. Vowel matching is modeled in Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar (Goldwater & Johnson 2003), a stochastic variant of OT. I use prosodic correspondence to enforce vowel matching, and Zuraw’s (2000, 2010) dual listing approach to capture the discrepancy between lexical and experimental results.
本文提出了韵律对应的新证据，比较了形态学上相关形式的韵律单位(如主重音核和突出音节)。由于韵律对应在克罗斯怀特(1998)对查莫罗语的分析中被形式化，它几乎没有得到任何实证讨论。我认为Tgdaya Seediq(南岛语，阿塔亚语)有元音变化，应该用韵律对应来分析。在赛德克语中，无后缀和带后缀的形式往往共用同一个重读音节核。这种元音匹配模式不能解释为表面和谐，但它可以解释为在形态学相关形式中强制主重读核元音同一性的约束结果。与Crosswhite(1998)分析的分类交替不同，Seediq元音匹配是梯度的，只出现在统计层面上。然而，韵律对应似乎在赛德克语共时语法中很活跃;在生产实验中，演讲者将元音匹配应用于新形式，甚至将其过度推广到词汇统计无法预测的环境中。元音匹配在最大熵谐波语法(Goldwater & Johnson 2003)中建模，这是OT的随机变体。我使用韵律对应来强制元音匹配，并使用Zuraw(2000,2010)的双重列表方法来捕捉词汇和实验结果之间的差异。
{"title":"Evidence for prosodic correspondence in the vowel alternations of Tgdaya Seediq","authors":"Jennifer Kuo","doi":"10.3765/pda.v5art3.77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v5art3.77","url":null,"abstract":"This paper brings new evidence for PROSODIC CORRESPONDENCE, where prosodic units (e.g. main-stressed nuclei and prominent syllables) of morphologically related forms are compared. Since prosodic correspondence was formalized in Crosswhite’s (1998) analysis of Chamorro, it has received almost no empirical discussion. I argue that Tgdaya Seediq (Austronesian, Atayalic) has vowel alternations that should be analyzed using prosodic correspondence. In Seediq, unsuffixed and suffixed forms tend to share the same stressed syllable nucleus. This VOWEL MATCHING pattern cannot be explained as surface harmony, but it can be explained as the result of a constraint enforcing vowel identity of main-stressed nuclei in morphologically related forms. Unlike the categorical alternations analyzed by Crosswhite (1998), Seediq vowel matching is gradient and only emerges on a statistical level. Nevertheless, prosodic correspondence appears to be active in the synchronic grammar of Seediq; in a production experiment, speakers applied vowel matching to novel forms and even over-generalized it to environments not predicted by lexical statistics. Vowel matching is modeled in Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar (Goldwater & Johnson 2003), a stochastic variant of OT. I use prosodic correspondence to enforce vowel matching, and Zuraw’s (2000, 2010) dual listing approach to capture the discrepancy between lexical and experimental results.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123992758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A pattern of reduplication marks the intensity of evaluatives in Fungwa. CV syllables of nominal roots and CV prefixes can be reduplicated, but V syllables cannot. The intensity marker, which also has a CV shape due to an onset condition, can be multiply repeated. The reduplicative intensifier and its repetition(s) are akin to arbitrary affixes in the language in terms of their phonological characteristics, and they are also consistent with non-arbitrary sound-meaning mapping across languages. Formally, the repetition and shape of the reduplicant are considered to be effects of morphosyntax and markedness constraints. Considering that the evaluative marker and the intensifier are consistent with patterns of sound symbolism, Fungwa presents categorical evidence for the perspective that sound-meaning mapping involves both arbitrariness and non-arbitratriness.
{"title":"Reduplication, repetition and sound symbolism in Fungwa","authors":"S. Akinbo","doi":"10.3765/pda.v5art2.72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v5art2.72","url":null,"abstract":"A pattern of reduplication marks the intensity of evaluatives in Fungwa. CV syllables of nominal roots and CV prefixes can be reduplicated, but V syllables cannot. The intensity marker, which also has a CV shape due to an onset condition, can be multiply repeated. The reduplicative intensifier and its repetition(s) are akin to arbitrary affixes in the language in terms of their phonological characteristics, and they are also consistent with non-arbitrary sound-meaning mapping across languages. Formally, the repetition and shape of the reduplicant are considered to be effects of morphosyntax and markedness constraints. Considering that the evaluative marker and the intensifier are consistent with patterns of sound symbolism, Fungwa presents categorical evidence for the perspective that sound-meaning mapping involves both arbitrariness and non-arbitratriness.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130821152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the interaction of word stress and phrasal prosody in Georgian by studying the distribution of acoustic cues (duration, intensity, F0) in controlled data. The results show that initial syllables in Georgian words are marked by greater duration than all subsequent syllables, regardless of syllable count and phrasal context. After excluding domain-initial strengthening as an alternative explanation, this finding provides evidence in favor of fixed initial stress. Likewise, initial syllables are marked by greatest intensity, but the consistent gradual drop in intensity throughout the word suggests that this effect may not be stress-related. The F0 results align with the existing accounts: individual lexical words form ACCENTUAL PHRASES, marked by a low pitch accent on the initial syllable and a high final boundary tone on the final syllable. Additionally, new evidence for a phrasal accent, aligned with the penult, is presented. F0 targets are shown to be completely absent in the context of post-focal deaccenting, which shows that F0-marking in Georgian is reserved for phrasal prosody and is not intrinsic to stress-marking. These results help account for the facts related to word stress, phrasal intonation, and their interplay in Georgian, the object of debate in the literature.
{"title":"Disentangling word stress and phrasal prosody: A view from Georgian","authors":"Lena Borise","doi":"10.3765/pda.v5art1.43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v5art1.43","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the interaction of word stress and phrasal prosody in Georgian by studying the distribution of acoustic cues (duration, intensity, F0) in controlled data. The results show that initial syllables in Georgian words are marked by greater duration than all subsequent syllables, regardless of syllable count and phrasal context. After excluding domain-initial strengthening as an alternative explanation, this finding provides evidence in favor of fixed initial stress. Likewise, initial syllables are marked by greatest intensity, but the consistent gradual drop in intensity throughout the word suggests that this effect may not be stress-related. The F0 results align with the existing accounts: individual lexical words form ACCENTUAL PHRASES, marked by a low pitch accent on the initial syllable and a high final boundary tone on the final syllable. Additionally, new evidence for a phrasal accent, aligned with the penult, is presented. F0 targets are shown to be completely absent in the context of post-focal deaccenting, which shows that F0-marking in Georgian is reserved for phrasal prosody and is not intrinsic to stress-marking. These results help account for the facts related to word stress, phrasal intonation, and their interplay in Georgian, the object of debate in the literature.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129368210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Megan J. Crowhurst, L. Faircloth, Allison Wetterlin, L. Wheeldon
We conducted an artificial language learning experiment to study learning asymmetries that might reveal latent preferences relating to, and any dependencies between, the edge alignment and quantity sensitivity (QS) parameters in stress patterning. We used a poverty of the stimulus approach to teach American English speakers an unbounded QS stress rule (stress a single CV: syllable) and either a left- or right-aligning QI rule if only light syllables were present. Forms with two CV: syllables were withheld in the learning phase and added in the test phase, forcing participants to choose between left- and right-aligning options for the QS rule. Participants learned the left- and right-edge QI rules equally well, and also the basic QS rule. Response patterns for words with two CV: syllables suggest biases favoring a left-aligning QS rule with a left-edge QI default. Our results also suggest that a left-aligning QS pattern with a rightedge QI default was least favored. We argue that stress patterns shown to be preferred based on evidence from ease-of-learning and participants’ untrained generalizations can be considered more natural than less favored opposing patterns. We suggest that cognitive biases revealed by artificial stress learning studies may have contributed to shaping stress typology.
{"title":"“Natural” stress patterns and dependencies between edge alignment and quantity sensitivity","authors":"Megan J. Crowhurst, L. Faircloth, Allison Wetterlin, L. Wheeldon","doi":"10.3765/pda.v4art6.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v4art6.65","url":null,"abstract":"We conducted an artificial language learning experiment to study learning asymmetries that might reveal latent preferences relating to, and any dependencies between, the edge alignment and quantity sensitivity (QS) parameters in stress patterning. We used a poverty of the stimulus approach to teach American English speakers an unbounded QS stress rule (stress a single CV: syllable) and either a left- or right-aligning QI rule if only light syllables were present. Forms with two CV: syllables were withheld in the learning phase and added in the test phase, forcing participants to choose between left- and right-aligning options for the QS rule. Participants learned the left- and right-edge QI rules equally well, and also the basic QS rule. Response patterns for words with two CV: syllables suggest biases favoring a left-aligning QS rule with a left-edge QI default. Our results also suggest that a left-aligning QS pattern with a rightedge QI default was least favored. We argue that stress patterns shown to be preferred based on evidence from ease-of-learning and participants’ untrained generalizations can be considered more natural than less favored opposing patterns. We suggest that cognitive biases revealed by artificial stress learning studies may have contributed to shaping stress typology.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"35 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124982877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Conservative Basque dialects distinguish apical and laminal alveolar sibilants in the fricative and affricate series. This paper analyses the changes this system was undergoing in the Central Basque variety of San Sebastián in the 18th century: (1) the “Western merger”: neutralisation of the laminal and apical fricative sibilants in favour of the latter and the neutralisation of the laminal and apical alveolar affricates in favour of the former, which started in Western Basque and spread to some Central varieties, and (2) the “Central merger”, a more recent development, limited to some central dialects, where both fricative and affricate alveolar sibilants are realised as laminals. A generalised linear mixed-effects model was fitted to the data extracted from an early-18th-century manuscript which shows evidence of both patterns of merger. We propose that sibilant mergers were still in progress in the variety and time period under study and that they are interrelated processes. The Western merger started as a phonetically-conditioned sound change due to coarticulation to a following consonant. As this neutralisation extended to other positions, a hypercorrective change was initiated in some Central varieties, which eventually resulted in a mirror-image process, namely a change from apical to laminal fricatives.
{"title":"Sibilant mergers in 18th-century Basque: A quantitative study","authors":"D. Krajewska, Eneko Zuloaga, Ander Egurtzegi","doi":"10.3765/pda.v4art5.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v4art5.67","url":null,"abstract":"Conservative Basque dialects distinguish apical and laminal alveolar sibilants in the fricative and affricate series. This paper analyses the changes this system was undergoing in the Central Basque variety of San Sebastián in the 18th century: (1) the “Western merger”: neutralisation of the laminal and apical fricative sibilants in favour of the latter and the neutralisation of the laminal and apical alveolar affricates in favour of the former, which started in Western Basque and spread to some Central varieties, and (2) the “Central merger”, a more recent development, limited to some central dialects, where both fricative and affricate alveolar sibilants are realised as laminals. A generalised linear mixed-effects model was fitted to the data extracted from an early-18th-century manuscript which shows evidence of both patterns of merger. We propose that sibilant mergers were still in progress in the variety and time period under study and that they are interrelated processes. The Western merger started as a phonetically-conditioned sound change due to coarticulation to a following consonant. As this neutralisation extended to other positions, a hypercorrective change was initiated in some Central varieties, which eventually resulted in a mirror-image process, namely a change from apical to laminal fricatives.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131795662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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