{"title":"来自编辑。","authors":"Ilpo Koskinen","doi":"10.1097/ANS.0000000000000426","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Web today is not top-down as it once was; it is also a means for ordinary people to have a voice, and, possibly, to bypass the traditional limitations of media, be these limitations cultural, social, or political in nature. The important thing in this issue is that it focuses on Asia. In North America and Europe, Web 2.0 is typically a technology for strong ties or, to quote Kenneth Gergen’s recent paper in the Handbook of Mobile Communication Studies, “monadic clusters.” For example, I do follow one blog closely. It reports the first days of a baby of my former student who lives in California. I do read blogs by political journalists occasionally, but for me, Web 2.0 is primarily a way to keep in touch with friends. However, even though Web 2.0 surely functions like this in Asia as well, in countries where democracy and civil rights in the Western sense of the term cannot be taken for granted, it has political meanings too, as the papers by Katz and Lai and Thammo so clearly show. In particular, in dictatorships like Myanmar, the Internet functions much like rumor used to: It offers an important alternative channel of information and a way to maintain an alternative vision of society and politics. When there is no legitimate opposition, such alternativemay become the main check on political power. I cannot help thinking that had Web 2.0 existed in Cambodia in the 1970s, the Red Khmer massacres might have been avoided. However, when we descend from the politics proper to more subtle issues, we also see that Web 2.0 may play a role in shaping societies. As Yang argues, it may question existing cultural forms. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
今天的网络不像以前那样是自上而下的;它也是普通人发出声音的一种手段,并有可能绕过媒体的传统限制,这些限制是文化的、社会的或政治的。这个问题的重点是亚洲。在北美和欧洲,Web 2.0是一种典型的强联系技术,或者引用Kenneth Gergen最近在《移动通信研究手册》中的论文,“单元集群”。例如,我确实密切关注一个博客。它报道了我以前住在加州的一个学生的婴儿出生的第一天。我偶尔也会读政治记者的博客,但对我来说,Web 2.0主要是一种与朋友保持联系的方式。然而,尽管Web 2.0在亚洲也有这样的功能,在西方意义上的民主和公民权利不能被视为理所当然的国家,它也有政治意义,正如Katz、Lai和Thammo的论文所清楚地表明的那样。特别是在缅甸这样的独裁国家,互联网的功能很像过去的谣言:它提供了一个重要的信息替代渠道,也是一种保持社会和政治另类视野的方式。当没有合法的反对派时,这种选择可能成为对政治权力的主要制约。我不禁想,如果20世纪70年代的柬埔寨出现了Web 2.0,那么红色高棉人的大屠杀或许就可以避免了。然而,当我们从适当的政治问题下降到更微妙的问题时,我们也看到Web 2.0可能在塑造社会方面发挥作用。正如杨所说,它可能会质疑现有的文化形式。正如关注性别的霍特所说,这也给了人们一个重新划定自我界限的机会。在比她的家乡墨尔本更传统的社会中,这样的机会可能是一个生死攸关的问题,如果不是直接的,至少在身份和人类尊严方面是相关的。赵的最后两篇论文表明,尽管政治背景可能不同,但亚洲的互联网和Web 2.0面临着与其他地区相同的障碍,也有黑暗的一面。我特别觉得程教授对家乐福抵制事件的案例研究很有意思。知识技术通报(2009)22:87 DOI 10.1007/s12130-009-9075-y
The Web today is not top-down as it once was; it is also a means for ordinary people to have a voice, and, possibly, to bypass the traditional limitations of media, be these limitations cultural, social, or political in nature. The important thing in this issue is that it focuses on Asia. In North America and Europe, Web 2.0 is typically a technology for strong ties or, to quote Kenneth Gergen’s recent paper in the Handbook of Mobile Communication Studies, “monadic clusters.” For example, I do follow one blog closely. It reports the first days of a baby of my former student who lives in California. I do read blogs by political journalists occasionally, but for me, Web 2.0 is primarily a way to keep in touch with friends. However, even though Web 2.0 surely functions like this in Asia as well, in countries where democracy and civil rights in the Western sense of the term cannot be taken for granted, it has political meanings too, as the papers by Katz and Lai and Thammo so clearly show. In particular, in dictatorships like Myanmar, the Internet functions much like rumor used to: It offers an important alternative channel of information and a way to maintain an alternative vision of society and politics. When there is no legitimate opposition, such alternativemay become the main check on political power. I cannot help thinking that had Web 2.0 existed in Cambodia in the 1970s, the Red Khmer massacres might have been avoided. However, when we descend from the politics proper to more subtle issues, we also see that Web 2.0 may play a role in shaping societies. As Yang argues, it may question existing cultural forms. As Hjort, focusing on gender, shows, it also gives people an opportunity to redraw the boundaries of their self. In societies more traditional than her home base, Melbourne, such an opportunity may be a matter of, if not outright, life and death, at least relevant in terms of identity and human dignity. The last two papers by Zhao show that even though the political context may be different, the Internet and Web 2.0 in Asia faces the same obstacles and also has a darker side, as elsewhere. In particular, I find Cheng’s case study of the Carrefour Boycott interesting. Know Techn Pol (2009) 22:87 DOI 10.1007/s12130-009-9075-y