保守的全球主义者与防御性民族主义者:土耳其的政党和欧洲化的悖论

Ziya Öniş
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引用次数: 109

摘要

自1999年12月赫尔辛基首脑会议以来,这段时间是土耳其经济和政治发生显著变化的时期。欧盟的影响在20世纪90年代已经很明显,1995年的关税同盟协定在启动重要的经济和政治改革方面产生了重大影响。然而,真正的突破发生了,“欧洲化”的势头加快了相当大的步伐,一旦土耳其在1999年被承认为欧盟候选国,成为欧盟正式成员国的目标成为了具体的可能性。政党作为欧洲化的推动者出现,同时自身也在欧洲化的过程中发生着转型。本文的目的是强调政党在土耳其最近的欧洲化进程中的作用,并强调土耳其政党制度的一些特点以及作为经济和政治转型代理人的一些关键政党。从比较的角度来看,土耳其欧洲化的以下几个方面显得相当引人注目和矛盾。公民社会行动者在推动欧盟成员资格和相关改革进程方面比主要政党更加积极和直言不讳。在公民社会中,商业行为者,尤其是大企业已经成为核心。转向政党,“伊斯兰主义者”已经比他们的“世俗主义者”同行转变得更多。一个有着明确伊斯兰根基的政党,正义与发展党(AKP),在2002年11月的选举中获胜后,将自己确立为欧盟相关改革的有力支持者。然而,另一个悖论是,许多左翼和右翼政党都可以被定性为“防御性民族主义者”,从这个意义上说,他们原则上广泛支持欧盟成员国身份,但往往对欧盟条件的关键要素感到不舒服。如果可以在不进行改革的情况下获得成员国资格,这些政党中的许多人将欢迎这一机会。最后,一个核心的悖论是,由于历史和其他原因,“社会民主主义”仍然是受当前危机影响最小的因素
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Conservative globalists versus defensive nationalists: political parties and paradoxes of Europeanization in Turkey
The period since the December 1999 Helsinki summit has been a time of remarkable economic and political change in Turkey. The EU impact was already evident in the 1990s, with the 1995 Customs Union Agreement exerting a significant impact in terms of initiating important economic and political reforms. Yet arguably the real breakthrough occurred and the momentum of ‘Europeanization’ gathered considerable pace, once the goal of full EU membership became a concrete possibility with the recognition in 1999 of Turkey’s candidate status. Political parties have emerged as agents of Europeanization, while themselves being transformed in the Europeanization process. The objective of the present paper is to highlight the role of political parties in Turkey’s recent Europeanization process and to underline some of the peculiarities of the Turkish party system and of some of the key parties as agents of economic and political transformation. From a comparative perspective, the following aspects of Turkey’s Europeanization appear rather striking and paradoxical. Civil society actors have been much more active and vocal in their push for EU membership and the associated reform process than the major political parties. Within civil society, business actors and notably big business have emerged as central. Turning to the parties, the ‘Islamists’ have been transformed much more than their ‘secularist’ counterparts. A political party with explicit Islamist roots, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), established itself as a vigorous supporter of EUrelated reforms following its November 2002 election victory. Yet another paradox is that many of the established parties on both the left and right of the political spectrum can be characterized as ‘defensive nationalists’, in the sense that they are broadly supportive of EU membership in principle but tend to be uncomfortable with key elements of EU conditionality. If membership could be accomplished without reforms, many of these parties would welcome the opportunity. Finally a central paradox is that ‘social democracy’ remains, for historical and other reasons, the element least affected by the ongoing
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