TID中的模态符号与范围关系

Serpil Karabüklü, F. Bross, R. Wilbur, Daniel Hole
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引用次数: 1

摘要

在本文中,我们检验了Bross和Hole(2017)最初为DGS提出的身体映射假设。他们发现,高范围(T以上)的操作符使用物理上的高发音(主要是眉毛)来表达,而低范围(ip内部)的操作符则用德国手语手动表达。通过这种方式,作用域被象征性地映射到签名者的身体上(高作用域=高关节;低范围=低关节)。此外,他们还发现,随着ip内部类别的范围高度的下降,较高的类别(如道义情态)从左到右连接,较低的类别(如根情态)从右到左连接。在这里,我们通过讨论土耳其手语中的认识论(T以上)、义务情态和词根情态(都在T以下)的类别来检验身体映射假设。此外,我们还研究了道义和词根情态的连接策略是否不同。我们表明,在土耳其手语中,认知情态与义务情态和根情态相反,需要在上面部进行非手动标记,这与身体映射假说一致。然而,土耳其手语与德国手语的不同之处在于,前者需要额外的手动模态符号来实现认知模态。我们建议两种建模可能性来解释这一发现:一种假设模态在其范围占据位置的基础生成,另一种基于运动帐户。
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Modal signs and scope relations in TID
In this paper, we test Bross and Hole’s (2017) bodily-mapping hypothesis originally proposed for DGS. They found that operators with high scope (above T) are expressed using physically high articulators (mainly the eyebrows) and lower (IP-internal) categories are expressed manually in German Sign Language. In this way, scope is iconically mapped onto the signer’s body (high scope = high articulator; low scope = low articulator). Additionally, they found that descending the scopal height of IP-internal categories, the higher ones (e. g., deontic modality) are concatenated from left to right and the lower ones (e. g., root modality) from right to left. Here, we put the bodily-mapping hypothesis to test by discussing the categories of epistemic (above T), deontic, and root modality (both below T) in Turkish Sign Language. Additionally, we investigate whether concatenation strategies for deontic and root modality differ. We show that, in Turkish Sign Language, epistemic modality, in contrast to deontic and root modality, requires nonmanual markings with the upper face, in line with the bodily-mapping hypothesis. Turkish Sign Language, however, differs from German Sign Language in that the former requires an additional manual modal sign for epistemic modality. We suggest two modeling possibilities to account for this finding: one assuming base-generation of the modals in their scope-taking position and one based on a movement account.
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