J. Krebs, Isabella Fessl, R. Wilbur, E. Malaia, Hans- PeterWiesinger, Hermann Schwameder, D. Roehm
This paper aims to introduce kinematic motion capture analysis and electromyography(EMG) methodology in the context of experimental investigations involving signlanguages. While motion capture has been employed in previous sign language research,the application of EMG is relatively novel. We utilized both motion capture andEMG techniques to examine the disparities in muscle activation associated with theproduction of telic verb signs (with boundary marking, e.g. the verb arrive) andatelic verb signs (lacking boundary marking, e.g. the verb run) in Austrian SignLanguage (ÖGS). The data analysis revealed that the visual boundary marking inherentin the production of telic signs, which is kinematically characterized by heightenedacceleration, jerk, and deceleration at the conclusion of a sign, is generated by increased activation in upper arm muscles during the sign and hold interval for telics comparedto atelics. In contrast, the majority of atelics exhibited a repeated movement, whichcontributed to more pronounced muscle activation in the forearm compared to telics.The EMG/motion capture combined method applied to sign language production offersnovel insights into linguistics of sign language that were previously inaccessible.
{"title":"Event structure reflected in muscle activation differences in Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS) verbs","authors":"J. Krebs, Isabella Fessl, R. Wilbur, E. Malaia, Hans- PeterWiesinger, Hermann Schwameder, D. Roehm","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.07","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to introduce kinematic motion capture analysis and electromyography(EMG) methodology in the context of experimental investigations involving signlanguages. While motion capture has been employed in previous sign language research,the application of EMG is relatively novel. We utilized both motion capture andEMG techniques to examine the disparities in muscle activation associated with theproduction of telic verb signs (with boundary marking, e.g. the verb arrive) andatelic verb signs (lacking boundary marking, e.g. the verb run) in Austrian SignLanguage (ÖGS). The data analysis revealed that the visual boundary marking inherentin the production of telic signs, which is kinematically characterized by heightenedacceleration, jerk, and deceleration at the conclusion of a sign, is generated by increased activation in upper arm muscles during the sign and hold interval for telics comparedto atelics. In contrast, the majority of atelics exhibited a repeated movement, whichcontributed to more pronounced muscle activation in the forearm compared to telics.The EMG/motion capture combined method applied to sign language production offersnovel insights into linguistics of sign language that were previously inaccessible.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"1983 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138973838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We explore new methods for measuring, analyzing, and visualizing facial expressionsand demonstrate the utility of these methods in a case study on polar questions in SignLanguage of the Netherlands.
{"title":"Exploring new methods for measuring, analyzing, and visualizing facial expressions","authors":"L. Esselink, M. Oomen, F. Roelofsen","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.04","url":null,"abstract":"We explore new methods for measuring, analyzing, and visualizing facial expressionsand demonstrate the utility of these methods in a case study on polar questions in SignLanguage of the Netherlands.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"7 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138975041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
German Sign Language (DGS) exhibits constructions which seem to meet the generaldefinition of serial verb constructions (SVCs). I demonstrate that the constructions inquestion have characteristics known to be shared by similar constructions in other spokenand signed languages, both in terms of form and in terms of function. I argue thatwithin the typological picture, the DGS data suggest three things. First, it is most likelythe case that very different structures can derive similar surface data; for example, verbphrases may be concatenated via complementation or adjunction. Relatedly, the factthat languages differ in the variability of verb order in SVCs (i.e. which verbs can appearwhere to render certain readings) is a side effect of these differences in concatenation.Finally, in certain cases, a degree of linear uniformity across languages is introducedby conventionalization due to temporal iconicity. This presupposes that the languagesin question already have the structures necessary to generate strings of verb phrases,a subset of which are perceived as iconic. Where temporal iconicity is not found, linearordering exhibits more typological variation, as the syntax of a given language maygenerate more than one order.
{"title":"Formand function in serial verb constructions – insights fromGerman Sign Language","authors":"Gautam Ottur","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.14","url":null,"abstract":"German Sign Language (DGS) exhibits constructions which seem to meet the generaldefinition of serial verb constructions (SVCs). I demonstrate that the constructions inquestion have characteristics known to be shared by similar constructions in other spokenand signed languages, both in terms of form and in terms of function. I argue thatwithin the typological picture, the DGS data suggest three things. First, it is most likelythe case that very different structures can derive similar surface data; for example, verbphrases may be concatenated via complementation or adjunction. Relatedly, the factthat languages differ in the variability of verb order in SVCs (i.e. which verbs can appearwhere to render certain readings) is a side effect of these differences in concatenation.Finally, in certain cases, a degree of linear uniformity across languages is introducedby conventionalization due to temporal iconicity. This presupposes that the languagesin question already have the structures necessary to generate strings of verb phrases,a subset of which are perceived as iconic. Where temporal iconicity is not found, linearordering exhibits more typological variation, as the syntax of a given language maygenerate more than one order.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"1986 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138973796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Iconicity, the (perceived) form-meaning relationship, is present on all linguistic levels insign languages. Looking at the phonological level, there is awell established relationshipbetween the (fore)head as place of articulation (PoA) and the semantic domain of cognitionfor multiple sign languages. In previous studies, this relationship has been suggestedfor German Sign Language (DGS) as well, but none of them looked at the quantitativedistribution of PoAs in signs within the semantic domain of cognition. In thisstudy, we not only investigate the quantitative distribution of PoAs in signs of the semanticdomain of cognition for DGS but also in the semantic domain of visual perception.Findings of this study are in line with previous research, suggesting a strong relationshipbetween the semantic domain of cognition and the associated PoA (fore)head. Forthe semantic domain of visual perception, signs are predominantly articulated near theupper half of the face but not always close to the expected PoA, namely the eyes in thenarrow sense.
{"title":"Thinking with the head, seeing with the eyes? Investigating the relationship between place of articulation (PoA) and two semantic domains in German Sign Language (DGS)","authors":"Sarah Schwarzenberg, Annika Herrmann","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.15","url":null,"abstract":"Iconicity, the (perceived) form-meaning relationship, is present on all linguistic levels insign languages. Looking at the phonological level, there is awell established relationshipbetween the (fore)head as place of articulation (PoA) and the semantic domain of cognitionfor multiple sign languages. In previous studies, this relationship has been suggestedfor German Sign Language (DGS) as well, but none of them looked at the quantitativedistribution of PoAs in signs within the semantic domain of cognition. In thisstudy, we not only investigate the quantitative distribution of PoAs in signs of the semanticdomain of cognition for DGS but also in the semantic domain of visual perception.Findings of this study are in line with previous research, suggesting a strong relationshipbetween the semantic domain of cognition and the associated PoA (fore)head. Forthe semantic domain of visual perception, signs are predominantly articulated near theupper half of the face but not always close to the expected PoA, namely the eyes in thenarrow sense.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"26 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138972148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When reporting utterances, signers often use a construction known as quotation roleshift (RS), where the signer embodies the author of the report while making use of adedicated set of non-manual markers (RS-NMMs). First (IX-1) and second (IX-2) personpronouns in those constructions are often observed to shift their meaning to refer to thereported author and the addressee. This article focuses on the behavior of these pronounsin Sign Language of the Netherlands. We designed an experiment targeting theinterpretation of IX-1 and IX-2 under RS-NMMs. Results obtained from 13 participantsshow that, while IX-2 is sensitive to RS-NMMs, the interpretation of IX-1 varies acrosssigners but is not influenced by RS-NMMs. Building upon distinctive phonological, lexicaland interpretive properties of these pronouns, we argue that the interpretation ofIX-2 behaves as a genuine shifted indexical, while IX-1 is better analyzed as a logophor.
{"title":"Indexicals under role shift in Sign Language of the Netherlands","authors":"E. Khristoforova, David Blunier","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.06","url":null,"abstract":"When reporting utterances, signers often use a construction known as quotation roleshift (RS), where the signer embodies the author of the report while making use of adedicated set of non-manual markers (RS-NMMs). First (IX-1) and second (IX-2) personpronouns in those constructions are often observed to shift their meaning to refer to thereported author and the addressee. This article focuses on the behavior of these pronounsin Sign Language of the Netherlands. We designed an experiment targeting theinterpretation of IX-1 and IX-2 under RS-NMMs. Results obtained from 13 participantsshow that, while IX-2 is sensitive to RS-NMMs, the interpretation of IX-1 varies acrosssigners but is not influenced by RS-NMMs. Building upon distinctive phonological, lexicaland interpretive properties of these pronouns, we argue that the interpretation ofIX-2 behaves as a genuine shifted indexical, while IX-1 is better analyzed as a logophor.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"78 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138971228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Guilherme Lourenço, Lorena Mariano Borges de Figueiredo
Among various strategies employed by languages to encode reciprocity, there is the useof lexical reciprocals, which specify this relation inherently to the verb. In this paper, weanalyze verbs that are inherently reciprocal in Brazilian Sign Language (Libras) and weshow that they have an interesting pattern, regarding hand specification (with all inherentlyreciprocal verbs being two-handed) and also movement type (whether characterizedby singular or repeated movement as opposed to alternating movement). We willargue in favor of a phonology-semantics interface, in such a way that two-handedness isrelated to participant mapping and the different types ofmovement mark the differencebetween symmetrical and non-symmetrical reciprocals.
{"title":"Inherently reciprocal verbs in Brazilian Sign Language","authors":"Guilherme Lourenço, Lorena Mariano Borges de Figueiredo","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.10","url":null,"abstract":"Among various strategies employed by languages to encode reciprocity, there is the useof lexical reciprocals, which specify this relation inherently to the verb. In this paper, weanalyze verbs that are inherently reciprocal in Brazilian Sign Language (Libras) and weshow that they have an interesting pattern, regarding hand specification (with all inherentlyreciprocal verbs being two-handed) and also movement type (whether characterizedby singular or repeated movement as opposed to alternating movement). We willargue in favor of a phonology-semantics interface, in such a way that two-handedness isrelated to participant mapping and the different types ofmovement mark the differencebetween symmetrical and non-symmetrical reciprocals.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"25 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138971681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the manual and nonmanual prosodic markers used to express contrastivefocus in LSFB (French Belgian Sign Language). To investigate this informationunit, videos extracted from the LSFB Corpus (Meurant 2015) and produced by six nativedeaf signers in two tasks were annotated and analysed. The preliminary results, basedon both quantitative and qualitative analyses, show that contrastive focus is encodedby discernible prosodic patterns in LSFB at the level of stress and intonation. Stressmarkers include variations in duration, mouth articulations, holds, and combinationsof manual cues. Regarding intonation, the results suggest a differentiation in the usageof body leans and head movements on contrastive focus and in the surroundingcontext, and support the notion of componentiality (or layering) of nonmanual markers.Ultimately, the study challenges the view of a one-to-one relationship between specificmarkers and their meanings, suggesting that meaning emerges from the interplayofmultiple resources.
{"title":"Manual and nonmanual cues used for the prosodic encoding of contrastive focus in LSFB (French Belgian Sign Language)","authors":"Clara Lombart","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.09","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the manual and nonmanual prosodic markers used to express contrastivefocus in LSFB (French Belgian Sign Language). To investigate this informationunit, videos extracted from the LSFB Corpus (Meurant 2015) and produced by six nativedeaf signers in two tasks were annotated and analysed. The preliminary results, basedon both quantitative and qualitative analyses, show that contrastive focus is encodedby discernible prosodic patterns in LSFB at the level of stress and intonation. Stressmarkers include variations in duration, mouth articulations, holds, and combinationsof manual cues. Regarding intonation, the results suggest a differentiation in the usageof body leans and head movements on contrastive focus and in the surroundingcontext, and support the notion of componentiality (or layering) of nonmanual markers.Ultimately, the study challenges the view of a one-to-one relationship between specificmarkers and their meanings, suggesting that meaning emerges from the interplayofmultiple resources.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"9 11-12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138972014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper addresses two puzzles that arise from resultative sentences that have theword order S(ubject)–O(bject)–V(erb)–R(esult) (SOVR) in sign languages: (i) the SOVRorder does not seem to be attested in spoken languages; (ii) the recursive occurrencesof resultative predicates in this construction in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) violateTenny’s (1994) Single Delimiting Constraint, the well-known generalization of resultativeconstructions. Under the functional approach to resultatives (Embick 2004; Folliand Harley 2020), I propose a bi-clausal coordination analysis of SOVR sentences in JSL,which provides accounts of these two questions. The proposal has theoretical implicationsfor the structural depth permitted in center-embedded complementation in thevisual modality (cf. Geraci et al. 2008).
{"title":"Shallow resultatives in sign language","authors":"Yuko Asada","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.01","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses two puzzles that arise from resultative sentences that have theword order S(ubject)–O(bject)–V(erb)–R(esult) (SOVR) in sign languages: (i) the SOVRorder does not seem to be attested in spoken languages; (ii) the recursive occurrencesof resultative predicates in this construction in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) violateTenny’s (1994) Single Delimiting Constraint, the well-known generalization of resultativeconstructions. Under the functional approach to resultatives (Embick 2004; Folliand Harley 2020), I propose a bi-clausal coordination analysis of SOVR sentences in JSL,which provides accounts of these two questions. The proposal has theoretical implicationsfor the structural depth permitted in center-embedded complementation in thevisual modality (cf. Geraci et al. 2008).","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138973241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Neg-raising, the phenomenon whereby a negation in the main clause of a complex constructionis interpreted as if belonging to the embedded clause, has been intensivelystudied in spoken languages. The same cannot be said for sign languages. In this paper,we investigate the properties of Neg-raising constructions in three sign languages:French Sign Language, Italian Sign Language, and Sign Language of the Netherlands.We report on two syntactic tests we applied to disambiguate Neg-raising and non-Negraisingreadings, showing that Neg-raising constructions have similar properties in thethree sign languages that we studied, as well as in comparable constructions in spokenlanguages. We also discuss some intricate headshake spreading patterns we found inNeg-raising constructions in Sign Language of the Netherlands, a non-manual dominantsign language.
{"title":"Some properties of neg-raising in three sign languages","authors":"M. Oomen, M. Santoro, Carlo Geraci","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.12","url":null,"abstract":"Neg-raising, the phenomenon whereby a negation in the main clause of a complex constructionis interpreted as if belonging to the embedded clause, has been intensivelystudied in spoken languages. The same cannot be said for sign languages. In this paper,we investigate the properties of Neg-raising constructions in three sign languages:French Sign Language, Italian Sign Language, and Sign Language of the Netherlands.We report on two syntactic tests we applied to disambiguate Neg-raising and non-Negraisingreadings, showing that Neg-raising constructions have similar properties in thethree sign languages that we studied, as well as in comparable constructions in spokenlanguages. We also discuss some intricate headshake spreading patterns we found inNeg-raising constructions in Sign Language of the Netherlands, a non-manual dominantsign language.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"22 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138971814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We identify several polar question forms in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT)through a production experiment in which we manipulate two types of biases: (i) theprior expectations of the person asking the question, and (ii) the evidence available inthe immediate context of utterance. Our analysis in the present paper focuses on formsinvolving headshake. We find that in some cases headshake expresses negation, as expected,but in other cases it fulfils another function, namely, it is part of a sentence-finalphrase either expressing uncertainty or signalling a request for a response from the addressee,or possibly both at the same time. We further observe that each question formhas a distinct ‘bias profile’, indicating a certain combination of prior expectations andcontextual evidence. Besides these empirical findings, our study also makes a methodologicalcontribution: our experimental design could be used in future work to identifypolar question forms with different bias profiles in sign languages other than NGT, aswell as visual cues accompanying polar questions with different bias profiles in spokenlanguages.
我们通过一个制作实验确定了荷兰手语（NGT）中的几种极性提问形式，在这个实验中，我们操纵了两种类型的偏差：(i) 提问者之前的期望，以及 (ii) 语篇的直接语境中可用的证据。本文的分析重点是涉及摇头的形式。我们发现，在某些情况下，摇头表示否定，正如预期的那样，但在另一些情况下，摇头却有另一种功能，即它是句末短语的一部分，要么表示不确定性，要么表示要求被问者做出回应，或者可能同时表示这两种功能。我们进一步观察到，每种提问形式都有独特的 "偏差特征"，表明了先前预期和语境证据的某种结合。除了这些实证研究结果之外，我们的研究还在方法论上做出了贡献：我们的实验设计可以在未来的工作中用于识别 NGT 以外的其他手语中具有不同偏向特征的极性提问形式，以及口语中具有不同偏向特征的极性提问所伴随的视觉线索。
{"title":"Biased polar question forms in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT)","authors":"M. Oomen, F. Roelofsen","doi":"10.31009/feast.i5.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i5.13","url":null,"abstract":"We identify several polar question forms in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT)through a production experiment in which we manipulate two types of biases: (i) theprior expectations of the person asking the question, and (ii) the evidence available inthe immediate context of utterance. Our analysis in the present paper focuses on formsinvolving headshake. We find that in some cases headshake expresses negation, as expected,but in other cases it fulfils another function, namely, it is part of a sentence-finalphrase either expressing uncertainty or signalling a request for a response from the addressee,or possibly both at the same time. We further observe that each question formhas a distinct ‘bias profile’, indicating a certain combination of prior expectations andcontextual evidence. Besides these empirical findings, our study also makes a methodologicalcontribution: our experimental design could be used in future work to identifypolar question forms with different bias profiles in sign languages other than NGT, aswell as visual cues accompanying polar questions with different bias profiles in spokenlanguages.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"4 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138972504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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