Scalar properties of negative polarity superlatives

Most theories agree that polarity sensitivity must be related to scalarity one way or another. Superlatives are a good example of this, since their “endpoint nature” allows for them to be in negative contexts with a quantitative interpretation (Fauconnier 1975a). In this paper, I follow Fauconnier’s work in distinguishing two different types of negative polarity superlatives and I show how they manifest in Spanish. This language behaves differently than English, what allows us to reach different conclusions from those of Fauconnier. In this sense, I argue that what I have called ‘pragmatically polarity sensitive superlatives’ are just ordinary superlative phrases (i.e. definite expressions), while those named ‘minimizer superlatives’ are kind of indefinite expressions where the DegP works as a complex minimizer. Thus, I will defend that both types of negative polarity superlatives have scalar properties of a different nature: while for the former the quantitative reading is pragmatically driven, for the latter it is semantically driven. In the same line, we will be able to rethink a generalization established by Bosque (1980) regarding the DegP distribution in polarity-sensitive superlatives.