加入欧盟的经验和前景:斯洛伐克和波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那的案例

Denisa Čiderová, D. Kovačević
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On the one hand, they were offered alternative arrangements like French President Mitterrand’s “European Confederation” or Prime Minister Balladur’s “Stability Pact” for Europe as well as several ideas of “membership light” (that is, excluding the more cost-intensive Community policies). On the other hand, the urgency of other issues (such as the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty on European Union or accession negotiations with the EFTAns [additional European Free Trade Association aspirants for the EFTAn enlargement, having “reversed their initial decision to stay out of the common market” [6: 186] – authors’ remark]) has often provided a welcome opportunity to place the issue of Eastern enlargement at the end of the agenda”. 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The CEECs, having been challenged by multiple transformation, assumed their rights just like * This paper results from: scientific research conducted at the University of Economics in Bratislava in the framework of the KEGA project No. 002EU-4/2015 (Department of International Trade, Faculty of Commerce of the University of Economics in Bratislava), the VEGA research project No. 1/0654/16 (Institute of Economics and Management, University of Economics in Bratislava) and the VEGA research project No. 1/0812/19 (Institute of Economics and Management, University of Economics in Bratislava); chapters: [1] [2] as well as an earlier chapter [3]; and is linked to the Ph.D. thesis titled Reflection of V4 Interests in the Context of V4 Presidencies in the Enlarging and Reforming European Union as a Prerequisite for Agenda-shaping in terms of the Netherlands – Slovakia – Malta (2016 – 2017) Presidency Troïka, successfully defended by PhD. Dubravka Kovačević in 2019 and supervised by Assoc. Prof. PhD. Denisa Čiderová, as well as the Master thesis [4] successfully defended by Ms. Beata Fejesová in 2013 and supervised by Assoc. Prof. PhD. Denisa Čiderová. 1 University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of Commerce, Dolnozemská cesta 1, 852 35 Bratislava, Slovak Republic 2 University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of Commerce, Dolnozemská cesta 1, 852 35 Bratislava, Slovak Republic ERAZ 2019 Conference Proceedings 246 obligations associated with EU membership upon completion of transitional periods intended to allow for as much a smooth integration process as possible; EU accession reinforced their prestige internationally to the extent of intensity of their participation. Bearing in mind that the process of Europeanisation (alias “EU-isation”) could be EU-driven or domestically-driven [9: 8-9], our focus will be on the EU accession experience and perspectives in the case of the (among the Visegrad Group countries most integrated) Slovak Republic, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, respectively, in the light of the 2019 Communication on EU Enlargement Policy released on 29 May 2019.","PeriodicalId":445140,"journal":{"name":"Conference Proceedings (part of ERAZ conference collection)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"EU ACCESSION EXPERIENCE AND PERSPECTIVES: THE CASE OF SLOVAKIA AND BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA\",\"authors\":\"Denisa Čiderová, D. 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Recently, “urgency of issues” could be linked to the post-crisis Roadmap for a More United, Stronger and more Democratic Union targeting the European Union’s (EU) democratic, institutional and policy framework, or the pending withdrawal [alias Brexit] negotiations with the United Kingdom; yet, in February 2018 the European Commission “reaffirmed the firm, merit-based prospect of EU membership for the Western Balkans in its Communication A credible enlargement perspective for and enhanced EU engagement with the Western Balkans” [7: 1]. EU enlargement symbolises a multidimensional “Europeanisation” process due to the spectrum of (frequently mutually incompatible) interests (that are subject to modification in the course of time) of a number of actors, as BAUEROVÁ [8: 204] puts it. In our article titled Visegrad meets Visegrad: the Visegrad Four and the Western Balkans Six (2015) we claimed that enlargement of the EU over the recent decade has not just expanded its territory or increased the headcount of its Single Market; by almost doubling the number of its members the Union faces multifaceted implications beyond any doubt. The CEECs, having been challenged by multiple transformation, assumed their rights just like * This paper results from: scientific research conducted at the University of Economics in Bratislava in the framework of the KEGA project No. 002EU-4/2015 (Department of International Trade, Faculty of Commerce of the University of Economics in Bratislava), the VEGA research project No. 1/0654/16 (Institute of Economics and Management, University of Economics in Bratislava) and the VEGA research project No. 1/0812/19 (Institute of Economics and Management, University of Economics in Bratislava); chapters: [1] [2] as well as an earlier chapter [3]; and is linked to the Ph.D. thesis titled Reflection of V4 Interests in the Context of V4 Presidencies in the Enlarging and Reforming European Union as a Prerequisite for Agenda-shaping in terms of the Netherlands – Slovakia – Malta (2016 – 2017) Presidency Troïka, successfully defended by PhD. Dubravka Kovačević in 2019 and supervised by Assoc. 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引用次数: 1

摘要

2019年5月1日是欧盟逐步启动面向中欧、东欧和东南欧以及地中海国家的东(南)东扩张计划15周年。SCHIMMELFENNIG[5: 186-188]提醒我们,“1990年初,欧共体[作为包括12个成员国的欧洲联盟的前身-作者的评论]提议缔结联系国协定,但没有提及,更不用说承诺未来的成员资格。[…此外,欧共体作为一个整体,特别是一些沉默的成员国,使用了各种各样的拖延策略来转移中东欧国家(作者的评论)对正式成员资格的要求。一方面,他们被提供了其他安排,如法国总统密特朗的“欧洲联邦”或总理巴拉杜尔的“欧洲稳定公约”,以及一些“轻成员”的想法(即排除成本更密集的共同体政策)。另一方面,其他问题的紧迫性(例如批准关于欧洲联盟的《马斯特里赫特条约》或与欧洲自由贸易联盟进行加入谈判[欧洲自由贸易联盟扩大的其他国家,“改变了他们最初不参与共同市场的决定”[06:186]-作者的评论])往往提供了一个可喜的机会,将东方扩大问题置于议程的最后”。最近,“问题的紧迫性”可以与针对欧盟民主、制度和政策框架的后危机时代的“更团结、更强大、更民主的联盟路线图”,或与英国悬而未决的退欧谈判联系起来;然而,2018年2月,欧盟委员会“在其沟通文件中重申了西巴尔干加入欧盟的坚定、择优前景:一个可信的扩大前景,并加强欧盟与西巴尔干的接触”[7:1]。正如BAUEROVÁ[8:204]所指出的那样,欧盟扩大象征着一个多维度的“欧洲化”过程,这是由于许多参与者的利益范围(通常是相互不相容的)(随着时间的推移会发生变化)。在我们题为《维谢格拉德遇见维谢格拉德:维谢格拉德四国和西巴尔干六国》(2015)的文章中,我们声称,近十年来欧盟的扩大不仅扩大了其领土或增加了其单一市场的人数;由于其成员数量几乎翻了一番,欧盟无疑面临多方面的影响。中东欧国家在多重转型的挑战下,像*一样承担了自己的权利。布拉迪斯拉发经济大学在KEGA项目002EU-4/2015(布拉迪斯拉发经济大学商学院国际贸易系)、VEGA研究项目1/0654/16(布拉迪斯拉发经济大学经济与管理学院)和VEGA研究项目1/0812/19(布拉迪斯拉发经济大学经济与管理学院)框架下进行的科学研究;章节:[1][2]以及之前的章节[3];并与博士论文《欧盟扩大与改革中V4轮值主席国背景下的V4利益反思:荷兰-斯洛伐克-马耳他(2016 - 2017)轮值主席国议程塑造的先决条件》(Troïka)相关联,该论文获得博士成功辩护。杜布拉夫卡·科瓦阿·耶维奇,2019年,由协会监督。教授博士学位。Denisa Čiderová,以及2013年Beata fejesov女士成功答辩并由Assoc指导的硕士论文[4]。教授博士学位。DenisaČiderova。1布拉迪斯拉发经济大学,商学院,多尔诺泽姆斯塞斯塔,1 852 35布拉迪斯拉发,斯洛伐克共和国2布拉迪斯拉发经济大学,商学院,多尔诺泽姆斯塞斯塔,1 852 35布拉迪斯拉发,斯洛伐克共和国ERAZ 2019年会议记录246与欧盟成员国相关的义务,在过渡期完成后,旨在允许尽可能顺利的一体化进程;加入欧盟加强了他们在国际上的威望,其程度与他们参与欧盟的程度相当。考虑到欧洲化(又称“欧盟化”)的进程可能是欧盟驱动的,也可能是国内驱动的[9:8 -9],我们将根据2019年5月29日发布的《2019年欧盟扩大政策通报》,重点关注(维谢格拉德集团一体化程度最高的国家之一)斯洛伐克共和国和波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那加入欧盟的经验和观点。
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EU ACCESSION EXPERIENCE AND PERSPECTIVES: THE CASE OF SLOVAKIA AND BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
On 1 May 2019 the European Union marked 15 years since the gradual launch of its (South-) Eastern enlargement oriented on Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe as well as Mediterranean states. SCHIMMELFENNIG [5: 186-188] reminds us that “in early 1990, the EC [as a predecessor of the European Union encompassing twelve members – authors’ remark] proposed to conclude association agreements without referring to, let alone promising, future membership. [...] Furthermore, the EC as a whole, and some of the reticent members in particular, used diverse delaying tactics to deflect the CEECs’ [Central and Eastern European countries’ – authors’ remark] demands for full membership. On the one hand, they were offered alternative arrangements like French President Mitterrand’s “European Confederation” or Prime Minister Balladur’s “Stability Pact” for Europe as well as several ideas of “membership light” (that is, excluding the more cost-intensive Community policies). On the other hand, the urgency of other issues (such as the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty on European Union or accession negotiations with the EFTAns [additional European Free Trade Association aspirants for the EFTAn enlargement, having “reversed their initial decision to stay out of the common market” [6: 186] – authors’ remark]) has often provided a welcome opportunity to place the issue of Eastern enlargement at the end of the agenda”. Recently, “urgency of issues” could be linked to the post-crisis Roadmap for a More United, Stronger and more Democratic Union targeting the European Union’s (EU) democratic, institutional and policy framework, or the pending withdrawal [alias Brexit] negotiations with the United Kingdom; yet, in February 2018 the European Commission “reaffirmed the firm, merit-based prospect of EU membership for the Western Balkans in its Communication A credible enlargement perspective for and enhanced EU engagement with the Western Balkans” [7: 1]. EU enlargement symbolises a multidimensional “Europeanisation” process due to the spectrum of (frequently mutually incompatible) interests (that are subject to modification in the course of time) of a number of actors, as BAUEROVÁ [8: 204] puts it. In our article titled Visegrad meets Visegrad: the Visegrad Four and the Western Balkans Six (2015) we claimed that enlargement of the EU over the recent decade has not just expanded its territory or increased the headcount of its Single Market; by almost doubling the number of its members the Union faces multifaceted implications beyond any doubt. The CEECs, having been challenged by multiple transformation, assumed their rights just like * This paper results from: scientific research conducted at the University of Economics in Bratislava in the framework of the KEGA project No. 002EU-4/2015 (Department of International Trade, Faculty of Commerce of the University of Economics in Bratislava), the VEGA research project No. 1/0654/16 (Institute of Economics and Management, University of Economics in Bratislava) and the VEGA research project No. 1/0812/19 (Institute of Economics and Management, University of Economics in Bratislava); chapters: [1] [2] as well as an earlier chapter [3]; and is linked to the Ph.D. thesis titled Reflection of V4 Interests in the Context of V4 Presidencies in the Enlarging and Reforming European Union as a Prerequisite for Agenda-shaping in terms of the Netherlands – Slovakia – Malta (2016 – 2017) Presidency Troïka, successfully defended by PhD. Dubravka Kovačević in 2019 and supervised by Assoc. Prof. PhD. Denisa Čiderová, as well as the Master thesis [4] successfully defended by Ms. Beata Fejesová in 2013 and supervised by Assoc. Prof. PhD. Denisa Čiderová. 1 University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of Commerce, Dolnozemská cesta 1, 852 35 Bratislava, Slovak Republic 2 University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of Commerce, Dolnozemská cesta 1, 852 35 Bratislava, Slovak Republic ERAZ 2019 Conference Proceedings 246 obligations associated with EU membership upon completion of transitional periods intended to allow for as much a smooth integration process as possible; EU accession reinforced their prestige internationally to the extent of intensity of their participation. Bearing in mind that the process of Europeanisation (alias “EU-isation”) could be EU-driven or domestically-driven [9: 8-9], our focus will be on the EU accession experience and perspectives in the case of the (among the Visegrad Group countries most integrated) Slovak Republic, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, respectively, in the light of the 2019 Communication on EU Enlargement Policy released on 29 May 2019.
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