NPI错觉中的词汇变化——以德语jemals 'ever'和so recht 'really'为例

Juliane Schwab
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引用次数: 0

摘要

负面极性项目的虚幻许可一直是人类句子处理的一个深刻现象,因为其极端的选择性已被证明是有问题的,无法根据其他项目对项目依赖关系建立的分析原则来解释。使用快速可接受性判断,我提供了新的实验证据,证明NPI错觉可能仅限于特定类型的NPI -错觉许可被复制到德国jemals“ever”,但未被证实用于衰减NPI,因此“real”。我认为,这一发现挑战了目前所有关于NPI错觉的说法,并提出了一种解释,声称标量NPI许可机制和错觉许可环境的标量属性之间的相互作用是NPI错觉的来源。
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Lexical variation in NPI illusions – A case study of German jemals 'ever' and so recht 'really'
The illusory licensing of negative polarity items has been an insightful phenomenon for accounts of human sentence processing, as its extreme selectivity has proven problematic to explain in terms of parsing principles that underlie the establishment of other item-to-item dependencies. Using speeded acceptability judgments, I provide novel experimental evidence that the NPI illusion may be restricted to a particular type of NPI—illusory licensing was replicated for German jemals 'ever', but was not confirmed for the attenuating NPI so recht 'really'. I argue that this finding challenges all current accounts of the NPI illusion, and propose an explanation that purports an interaction between a scalar NPI licensing mechanism and scalar properties of the illusory licensing context as the source of the NPI illusion.
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