Paul Marty, Jacopo Romoli, Yasutada Sudo, Bob van Tiel, R. Breheny
According to the Polarity Hypothesis, the presence or absence of a processing cost for Scalar Inferences (SIs) depends on their polarity. This hypothesis predicts, among other things, that the processing of lower-bounding SIs should not be affected by cognitive load the same way upper-bounding SIs are. To date, evidence in support of this prediction comes from the comparison between upper-bounding and lower-bounding SIs elicited by disparate scalar words. In this paper, we report on two dual-task experiments testing this prediction in a more controlled way by comparing upper-bounding and lower-bounding SIs arising from the same scalar words or scale-mates operating over the same dimension. Results show that, for these more minimal comparisons, lower-bounding SIs involve comparable cognitive demands as their upper-bounding counterparts. These findings challenge the idea that load effects are consistently modulated by SI polarity and suggest instead that these effects are relatively consistent across different types of SIs.
根据极性假说（Polarity Hypothesis），标量推断（SIs）的处理成本的有无取决于其极性。该假说预测，除其他外，下界推理的处理过程不应像上界推理那样受到认知负荷的影响。迄今为止，支持这一预测的证据来自于对不同标量词引起的上界 SI 和下界 SI 的比较。在本文中，我们报告了两个双任务实验，通过比较由相同标量词或在相同维度上操作的标量同伴引起的上界和下界 SI，以一种更可控的方式测试了这一预测。结果表明，在这些更小的比较中，下边界 SI 与上边界 SI 所涉及的认知需求相当。这些研究结果对负荷效应始终受SI极性调节的观点提出了质疑，并表明这些效应在不同类型的SI中是相对一致的。
{"title":"Scalar Inferencing, Polarity and Cognitive Load","authors":"Paul Marty, Jacopo Romoli, Yasutada Sudo, Bob van Tiel, R. Breheny","doi":"10.5070/g60112566","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g60112566","url":null,"abstract":"According to the Polarity Hypothesis, the presence or absence of a processing cost for Scalar Inferences (SIs) depends on their polarity. This hypothesis predicts, among other things, that the processing of lower-bounding SIs should not be affected by cognitive load the same way upper-bounding SIs are. To date, evidence in support of this prediction comes from the comparison between upper-bounding and lower-bounding SIs elicited by disparate scalar words. In this paper, we report on two dual-task experiments testing this prediction in a more controlled way by comparing upper-bounding and lower-bounding SIs arising from the same scalar words or scale-mates operating over the same dimension. Results show that, for these more minimal comparisons, lower-bounding SIs involve comparable cognitive demands as their upper-bounding counterparts. These findings challenge the idea that load effects are consistently modulated by SI polarity and suggest instead that these effects are relatively consistent across different types of SIs.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":" 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141829834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Previous studies on the use of morphosyntactic gender cues for linguistic prediction show that non-native speakers’ use of grammatical gender information is influenced by various factors. In the present study, we examined the influence of differential cross-linguistic influence (DCLI), knowledge of L2 lexical gender, gender congruency, and L2 fluency. To this end, we investigated L1 Oromo L2 Amharic speakers as well as L1 Amharic speakers, using the Visual World Paradigm (VWP) and supplementary offline experiments. We investigated two groups of L2 Amharic speakers, i.e., L1 Eastern Oromo L2 Amharic and L1 Western Oromo L2 Amharic speakers. The Eastern Oromo dialect patterns with Amharic in terms of gender agreement unlike the Western Oromo dialect which does not have grammatical gender. Analyses of the participants’ proportion of eye fixations show that early exposure to the gendered Eastern Oromo dialect facilitates predictive L2 gender processing. L2 fluency, the speakers’ knowledge of L2 lexical gender, and specific properties of the gender cues modulate predictive L2 gender processing. However, there is no significant influence of lexical gender congruency. The study has ecological significance as it presents empirical data from understudied languages.
{"title":"The role of differential cross-linguistic influence and other constraints in predictive L2 gender processing","authors":"Tekabe Legesse Feleke, Terje Lohndal","doi":"10.5070/g60111325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g60111325","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies on the use of morphosyntactic gender cues for linguistic prediction show that non-native speakers’ use of grammatical gender information is influenced by various factors. In the present study, we examined the influence of differential cross-linguistic influence (DCLI), knowledge of L2 lexical gender, gender congruency, and L2 fluency. To this end, we investigated L1 Oromo L2 Amharic speakers as well as L1 Amharic speakers, using the Visual World Paradigm (VWP) and supplementary offline experiments. We investigated two groups of L2 Amharic speakers, i.e., L1 Eastern Oromo L2 Amharic and L1 Western Oromo L2 Amharic speakers. The Eastern Oromo dialect patterns with Amharic in terms of gender agreement unlike the Western Oromo dialect which does not have grammatical gender. Analyses of the participants’ proportion of eye fixations show that early exposure to the gendered Eastern Oromo dialect facilitates predictive L2 gender processing. L2 fluency, the speakers’ knowledge of L2 lexical gender, and specific properties of the gender cues modulate predictive L2 gender processing. However, there is no significant influence of lexical gender congruency. The study has ecological significance as it presents empirical data from understudied languages.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":" 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141828806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Agata Bochynska, Liam Keeble, Caitlin Halfacre, Joseph V. Casillas, Irys-Amélie Champagne, Kaidi Chen, Melanie Röthlisberger, Erin M. Buchanan, Timo B. Roettger
Scientific studies of language span across many disciplines and provide evidence for social, cultural, cognitive, technological, and biomedical studies of human nature and behavior. As it becomes increasingly empirical and quantitative, linguistics has been facing challenges and limitations of the scientific practices that pose barriers to reproducibility and replicability. One of the proposed solutions to the widely acknowledged reproducibility and replicability crisis has been the implementation of transparency practices, e.g., open access publishing, preregistrations, sharing study materials, data, and analyses, performing study replications, and declaring conflicts of interest. Here, we have assessed the prevalence of these practices in 600 randomly sampled journal articles from linguistics across two time points. In line with similar studies in other disciplines, we found that 35% of the articles were published open access and the rates of sharing materials, data, and protocols were below 10%. None of the articles reported preregistrations, 1% reported replications, and 10% had conflict of interest statements. These rates have not increased noticeably between 2008/2009 and 2018/2019, pointing to remaining barriers and the slow adoption of open and reproducible research practices in linguistics. To facilitate adoption of these practices, we provide a range of recommendations and solutions for implementing transparency and improving reproducibility of research in linguistics.
{"title":"Reproducible research practices and transparency across linguistics","authors":"Agata Bochynska, Liam Keeble, Caitlin Halfacre, Joseph V. Casillas, Irys-Amélie Champagne, Kaidi Chen, Melanie Röthlisberger, Erin M. Buchanan, Timo B. Roettger","doi":"10.5070/g6011239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g6011239","url":null,"abstract":"Scientific studies of language span across many disciplines and provide evidence for social,  cultural, cognitive, technological, and biomedical studies of human nature and behavior. As it becomes increasingly empirical and quantitative, linguistics has been facing challenges and limitations of the scientific practices that pose barriers to reproducibility and replicability. One of the  proposed solutions to the widely acknowledged reproducibility and replicability crisis has been the implementation of transparency practices,  e.g., open access publishing, preregistrations, sharing study materials, data, and analyses, performing study replications, and declaring conflicts of interest. Here, we have assessed the prevalence of these practices in 600 randomly sampled journal articles from linguistics across two time points. In line with similar studies in other disciplines, we found that 35% of the articles were published open access and the rates of sharing materials, data, and protocols were below 10%. None of the articles reported preregistrations, 1% reported replications, and 10% had conflict of interest statements. These rates have not increased noticeably between 2008/2009 and 2018/2019, pointing to remaining barriers and the slow adoption of open and reproducible research practices in linguistics. To facilitate adoption of these practices, we provide a range of recommendations and solutions for implementing transparency and improving reproducibility of research in linguistics.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":" 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135291841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Expectation-driven convergence occurs when speakers shift their speech to approximate the language they expect rather than observe from their interlocutor. In Wade (2022), participants produced more monophthongal /aI/—a salient feature of Southern U.S. English—after hearing other Southern-accented features. Here, by decoupling acoustic and social information with a dialect-label manipulation task, we investigate what types of cognitive associations account for this behavior: indirect socially-mediated associations that rely on recognizing that monophthongal /aI/ and other Southern-accented variants are both associated with the social category “Southern,” or direct associations between variants that rely on tracking their common co-occurrence at the individual level. We find that both acoustic and social-label cues trigger convergence, but in-group speakers from the South rely on acoustic cues, while out-group speakers from outside of the South are best cued by social-category labels. Results indicate a crucial role of dialect experience in the encoding and utilization of sociolinguistic knowledge.
{"title":"Dialect experience modulates cue reliance in sociolinguistic convergence","authors":"Lacey R Wade, David Embick, Meredith Tamminga","doi":"10.5070/g6011187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g6011187","url":null,"abstract":"Expectation-driven convergence occurs when speakers shift their speech to approximate the language they expect rather than observe from their interlocutor. In Wade (2022), participants produced more monophthongal /aI/—a salient feature of Southern U.S. English—after hearing other Southern-accented features. Here, by decoupling acoustic and social information with a dialect-label manipulation task, we investigate what types of cognitive associations account for this behavior: indirect socially-mediated associations that rely on recognizing that monophthongal /aI/ and other Southern-accented variants are both associated with the social category “Southern,” or direct associations between variants that rely on tracking their common co-occurrence at the individual level. We find that both acoustic and social-label cues trigger convergence, but in-group speakers from the South rely on acoustic cues, while out-group speakers from outside of the South are best cued by social-category labels. Results indicate a crucial role of dialect experience in the encoding and utilization of sociolinguistic knowledge.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":"6 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135590260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Major models of sentence comprehension assume that a verb triggers retrieval of preceding thematic arguments from memory to establish argument-verb dependencies. If so, longer argument-verb distance should lead to higher processing load at the verb (a locality effect),since the representation of the argument should suffer from decay and/or interference.However, verb-final languages have often failed to show the expected argument-verb locality effect. A possible account of the lack of the effect is that arguments and adjuncts before the verb reactivate each other, counteracting memory degradation. In a pair of self-paced reading experiments in Japanese, a verb-final language, we found evidence of such pre-verb reactivation.Specifically, there was a locality effect and a similarity-based interference effect at the head of the adverbial that follows the subject, both of which suggest the retrieval of the subject at that point. The results are difficult to accommodate with other accounts of the lack of locality effect, such as a confounding effect of expectation and the inherent locality-insensitivity of verb-final languages. It is further argued that the constructivist analysis of verbal argument structure, which has been developed in generative syntax, provides an explanation for why such pre-verb reactivation takes place.
{"title":"Pre-verb reactivation of arguments in sentence processing","authors":"Shinnosuke Isono, Yuki Hirose","doi":"10.5070/g6011180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g6011180","url":null,"abstract":"Major models of sentence comprehension assume that a verb triggers retrieval of preceding thematic arguments from memory to establish argument-verb dependencies. If so, longer argument-verb distance should lead to higher processing load at the verb (a locality effect),since the representation of the argument should suffer from decay and/or interference.However, verb-final languages have often failed to show the expected argument-verb locality effect. A possible account of the lack of the effect is that arguments and adjuncts before the verb reactivate each other, counteracting memory degradation. In a pair of self-paced reading experiments in Japanese, a verb-final language, we found evidence of such pre-verb reactivation.Specifically, there was a locality effect and a similarity-based interference effect at the head of the adverbial that follows the subject, both of which suggest the retrieval of the subject at that point. The results are difficult to accommodate with other accounts of the lack of locality effect, such as a confounding effect of expectation and the inherent locality-insensitivity of verb-final languages. It is further argued that the constructivist analysis of verbal argument structure, which has been developed in generative syntax, provides an explanation for why such pre-verb reactivation takes place. ","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135635081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tyler Zarus Knowlton, Justin Halberda, P. Pietroski, J. Lidz
Though each and every are both distributive universal quantifiers, a common theme in linguistic and psycholinguistic investigations into them has been that each is somehow more individualistic than every. We offer a novel explanation for this generalization: each has a first-order meaning which serves as an internalized instruction to cognition to build a thought that calls for representing the (restricted) domain as a series of individuals; by contrast, every has a second-order meaning which serves as an instruction to build a thought that calls for grouping the domain. In support of this view, we show that these distinct meanings invite the use of distinct verification strategies, using a novel paradigm. In two experiments, participants who had been asked to verify sentences like each/every circle is green were subsequently given a change detection task. Those who evaluated each-sentences were better able to detect the change, suggesting they encoded the individual circles' colors to a greater degree. Taken together with past work demonstrating that participants recall group properties after evaluating sentences with every better than after evaluating sentences with each, these results support the hypothesis that each and every call for treating the individuals that constitute their domain differently: as independent individuals (each) or as members of an ensemble collection (every). We situate our findings within a conception of linguistic meanings as instructions for thought building, on which the format of the resulting thought has consequences for how meanings interface with non-linguistic cognition.
{"title":"Individuals versus ensembles and \"each\" versus \"every\": linguistic framing affects performance in a change detection task","authors":"Tyler Zarus Knowlton, Justin Halberda, P. Pietroski, J. Lidz","doi":"10.5070/g6011181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g6011181","url":null,"abstract":"Though each and every are both distributive universal quantifiers, a common theme in linguistic and psycholinguistic investigations into them has been that each is somehow more individualistic than every. We offer a novel explanation for this generalization: each has a first-order meaning which serves as an internalized instruction to cognition to build a thought that calls for representing the (restricted) domain as a series of individuals; by contrast, every has a second-order meaning which serves as an instruction to build a thought that calls for grouping the domain. In support of this view, we show that these distinct meanings invite the use of distinct verification strategies, using a novel paradigm. In two experiments, participants who had been asked to verify sentences like each/every circle is green were subsequently given a change detection task. Those who evaluated each-sentences were better able to detect the change, suggesting they encoded the individual circles' colors to a greater degree. Taken together with past work demonstrating that participants recall group properties after evaluating sentences with every better than after evaluating sentences with each, these results support the hypothesis that each and every call for treating the individuals that constitute their domain differently: as independent individuals (each) or as members of an ensemble collection (every). We situate our findings within a conception of linguistic meanings as instructions for thought building, on which the format of the resulting thought has consequences for how meanings interface with non-linguistic cognition.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":"115 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139339990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
David Pagmar, C. Arvidsson, Tove Nilsson Gerholm, Julia Uddén
A language user must rely on several different abilities to carry out a conversation, e.g., the ability to acknowledge the conversational contributions of others, to respond appropriately, to stay on topic, etc. There are many aspects of the development of conversational conduct that are yet unknown. In this study, the longitudinal development of conversational conduct, as in acknowledging one's interlocutor's previous turn, was traced from age 5;0 to 7;2. We also investigated whether conversational conduct was predicted by core language skill, executive functions, and specific pragmatic abilities. Previous findings of productive morphosyntactic accuracy were replicated, while findings concerning longitudinal receptive vocabulary were not. We also found connections between children's conversational responses and executive functions, working memory, and the comprehension of conversational implicatures. The results suggest that conversational conduct is dependent on inferring communicative intentions, as well as being able to keep track of others' contributions and how they relate to previous turns.
{"title":"Conversations between ages five and seven – Connections to executive functions and implicature comprehension","authors":"David Pagmar, C. Arvidsson, Tove Nilsson Gerholm, Julia Uddén","doi":"10.5070/g6011132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g6011132","url":null,"abstract":"A language user must rely on several different abilities to carry out a conversation, e.g., the ability to acknowledge the conversational contributions of others, to respond appropriately, to stay on topic, etc. There are many aspects of the development of conversational conduct that are yet unknown. In this study, the longitudinal development of conversational conduct, as in acknowledging one's interlocutor's previous turn, was traced from age 5;0 to 7;2. We also investigated whether conversational conduct was predicted by core language skill, executive functions, and specific pragmatic abilities. Previous findings of productive morphosyntactic accuracy were replicated, while findings concerning longitudinal receptive vocabulary were not. We also found connections between children's conversational responses and executive functions, working memory, and the comprehension of conversational implicatures. The results suggest that conversational conduct is dependent on inferring communicative intentions, as well as being able to keep track of others' contributions and how they relate to previous turns.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139340285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Chromý, James Brand, A. Laurinavichyute, Radim Lacina
Number agreement attraction in comprehension is a phenomenon that has been documented in various typologically diverse languages. This evidence has led to claims about the cross-linguistic uniformity of agreement attraction effects and its independence from the grammatical features of a particular language. However, recent research has shown that in Czech, number agreement attraction effects are either absent or negligible in size. This directly contradicts the cross-linguistic uniformity hypothesis. The current paper aims to further corroborate this finding and presents a direct experimental comparison of Czech and English. Two comparable self-paced reading experiments were conducted using stimuli that were translation equivalents in Czech and English. Our analyses demonstrate a preference for the null model in Czech (no agreement attraction), unlike in English, where an interaction between verb number and attractor number was preferred. Moreover, when we compare the data from the two experiments directly, we find that the interaction between language and attraction was also preferred. In sum, we provide evidence against the cross-linguistic uniformity hypothesis for agreement attraction effects and suggest that processing patterns may differ between languages even for almost identical structures, such as agreement relations.
{"title":"Number Agreement Attraction in Czech and English Comprehension: A Direct Experimental Comparison","authors":"J. Chromý, James Brand, A. Laurinavichyute, Radim Lacina","doi":"10.5070/g6011235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g6011235","url":null,"abstract":"Number agreement attraction in comprehension is a phenomenon that has been documented in various typologically diverse languages. This evidence has led to claims about the cross-linguistic uniformity of agreement attraction effects and its independence from the grammatical features of a particular language. However, recent research has shown that in Czech, number agreement attraction effects are either absent or negligible in size. This directly contradicts the cross-linguistic uniformity hypothesis. The current paper aims to further corroborate this finding and presents a direct experimental comparison of Czech and English. Two comparable self-paced reading experiments were conducted using stimuli that were translation equivalents in Czech and English. Our analyses demonstrate a preference for the null model in Czech (no agreement attraction), unlike in English, where an interaction between verb number and attractor number was preferred. Moreover, when we compare the data from the two experiments directly, we find that the interaction between language and attraction was also preferred. In sum, we provide evidence against the cross-linguistic uniformity hypothesis for agreement attraction effects and suggest that processing patterns may differ between languages even for almost identical structures, such as agreement relations.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139351139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Language comprehension involves the derivation of the meaning of sentences by combining the meanings of their parts. In some cases, this can lead to ambiguity. A sentence like Every hiker climbed a hill allows two logical representations: One that specifies that every hiker climbed a different hill and one that specifies that every hiker climbed the same hill. The interpretations of such sentences can be primed: Exposure to a particular reading increases the likelihood that the same reading will be assigned to a subsequent similar sentence. Feiman and Snedeker (2016) observed that such priming is not modulated by overlap of the verb between prime and target. This indicates that mental logical representations specify the compositional structure of the sentence meaning without conceptual meaning content. We conducted a close replication of Feiman and Snedeker’s experiment in Dutch and found no verb-independent priming. Moreover, a comparison with a previous, within-verb priming experiment showed an interaction, suggesting stronger verb-specific than abstract priming. A power analysis revealed that both Feiman and Snedeker’s experiment and our Experiment 1 were underpowered. Therefore, we replicated our Experiment 1, using the sample size guidelines provided by our power analysis. This experiment again showed that priming was stronger if a prime-target pair contained the same verb. Together, our experiments show that logical representation priming is enhanced if the prime and target sentence contain the same verb. This suggests that logical representations specify compositional structure and meaning features in an integrated manner.
语言理解包括通过组合句子各部分的含义来推导句子的含义。在某些情况下，这会导致歧义。像 Every hiker climbed a hill 这样的句子有两种逻辑表述：一种表示每个徒步旅行者都爬了不同的山，另一种表示每个徒步旅行者都爬了相同的山。对这类句子的解释可以被引导：接触到特定的解读，就会增加随后类似句子被赋予相同解读的可能性。Feiman 和 Snedeker（2016 年）观察到，这种诱导作用不受质点和目标之间动词重叠的影响。这表明心理逻辑表征指定了句子意义的组成结构，而没有概念意义内容。我们用荷兰语对 Feiman 和 Snedeker 的实验进行了近似复制，结果发现没有与动词无关的引物。此外，与之前的动词内引物实验进行比较后发现，两者之间存在相互作用，这表明特定动词引物比抽象引物更强。功率分析表明，Feiman 和 Snedeker 的实验以及我们的实验 1 均功率不足。因此，我们根据功率分析提供的样本量指南，重复了实验 1。该实验再次表明，如果主语-目标语对包含相同的动词，则引物效应更强。总之，我们的实验表明，如果主句和目标句包含相同的动词，逻辑表征的引诱作用就会增强。这表明逻辑表征以一种综合的方式指定了组成结构和意义特征。
{"title":"How abstract are logical representations? The role of verb semantics in representing quantifier scope","authors":"Mieke Sarah Slim, Peter Lauwers, R. Hartsuiker","doi":"10.5070/g6011175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g6011175","url":null,"abstract":"Language comprehension involves the derivation of the meaning of sentences by combining the meanings of their parts. In some cases, this can lead to ambiguity. A sentence like Every hiker climbed a hill allows two logical representations: One that specifies that every hiker climbed a different hill and one that specifies that every hiker climbed the same hill. The interpretations of such sentences can be primed: Exposure to a particular reading increases the likelihood that the same reading will be assigned to a subsequent similar sentence. Feiman and Snedeker (2016) observed that such priming is not modulated by overlap of the verb between prime and target. This indicates that mental logical representations specify the compositional structure of the sentence meaning without conceptual meaning content. We conducted a close replication of Feiman and Snedeker’s experiment in Dutch and found no verb-independent priming. Moreover, a comparison with a previous, within-verb priming experiment showed an interaction, suggesting stronger verb-specific than abstract priming. A power analysis revealed that both Feiman and Snedeker’s experiment and our Experiment 1 were underpowered. Therefore, we replicated our Experiment 1, using the sample size guidelines provided by our power analysis. This experiment again showed that priming was stronger if a prime-target pair contained the same verb. Together, our experiments show that logical representation priming is enhanced if the prime and target sentence contain the same verb. This suggests that logical representations specify compositional structure and meaning features in an integrated manner.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":"76 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139351129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is great deal of evidence, both linguistic and psycholinguistic, that time is structured with the help of space. This relationship has also been found in gesture studies: the gestures produced when uttering temporal expressions exhibit very clear and structured spatial properties. The question that remains, though, is whether these co-speech spatial gestures accompanying temporal expressions are the same as the spatial gestures produced with spatial expressions. Do we produce spatial gestures more frequently when uttering purely spatial expressions than when we are using temporal expressions? Are the characteristics of those spatial gestures equivalent in terms of parameters such as axis or directionality? What do these similarities or differences tell us about the use of space in time? The present study examines one grammatical construction (From X to Y) which can be used both for space and for time, and examines the gestural patterns associated with each of these different senses, noting their similarities and differences. Our results show that the gestures produced while uttering spatial expressions share the same characteristics with those carried out while uttering temporal expressions: (1) the frequency of gesturing is quite similar, pointing at a similar informational need, for both the spatial/concrete and the temporal/metaphorical cases; (2) the axes used are basically the same (with a higher indexically-based use of verticality in the case of spatial gestures), and (3) the directionality of the gestures is also shared, again eschewing the concrete-metaphorical distinction. These results are especially interesting, since they are also compatible with the hypothesis put forward by Cai & Connell (2015), hinting at a common representational format of both domains. At any case, this study reinforces the solid relationship between the domains of space and of time, proving once again how gesturing can be an invaluable tool in finding out about conceptualization patterns.
语言学和心理语言学都有大量证据表明，时间是在空间的帮助下结构化的。手势研究也发现了这种关系：在说出时间表达时产生的手势表现出非常明显和结构化的空间属性。但问题是，这些伴随时间表达的共同言语空间手势与空间表达时产生的空间手势是否相同。我们在说出纯粹的空间表达时是否比使用时间表达时更频繁地做出空间手势？就轴线或方向性等参数而言，这些空间手势的特征是否相同？这些相似或不同之处说明了什么？本研究探讨了一种既可用于空间又可用于时间的语法结构（从 X 到 Y），并研究了与这些不同意义相关的手势模式，注意到了它们的异同。我们的研究结果表明，在说出空间表达时产生的手势与说出时间表达时产生的手势具有相同的特点：(1)在空间/具体和时间/隐喻两种情况下，手势的频率非常相似，表明了类似的信息需求；(2)使用的轴线基本相同（在空间手势的情况下，垂直度的索引性使用更高）；(3)手势的方向性也是相同的，再次避免了具体和隐喻的区别。这些结果特别有趣，因为它们也符合蔡和康奈尔（Cai & Connell，2015 年）提出的假设，暗示这两个领域有共同的表征格式。无论如何，这项研究加强了空间域和时间域之间的牢固关系，再次证明了手势是发现概念化模式的宝贵工具。
{"title":"English temporal gestures are spatial gestures","authors":"Javier Valenzuela, Daniel Alcaraz-Carrión","doi":"10.5070/g6011126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/g6011126","url":null,"abstract":"There is great deal of evidence, both linguistic and psycholinguistic, that time is structured with the help of space. This relationship has also been found in gesture studies: the gestures produced when uttering temporal expressions exhibit very clear and structured spatial properties. The question that remains, though, is whether these co-speech spatial gestures accompanying temporal expressions are the same as the spatial gestures produced with spatial expressions. Do we produce spatial gestures more frequently when uttering purely spatial expressions than when we are using temporal expressions? Are the characteristics of those spatial gestures equivalent in terms of parameters such as axis or directionality? What do these similarities or differences tell us about the use of space in time? The present study examines one grammatical construction (From X to Y) which can be used both for space and for time, and examines the gestural patterns associated with each of these different senses, noting their similarities and differences. Our results show that the gestures produced while uttering spatial expressions share the same characteristics with those carried out while uttering temporal expressions: (1) the frequency of gesturing is quite similar, pointing at a similar informational need, for both the spatial/concrete and the temporal/metaphorical cases; (2) the axes used are basically the same (with a higher indexically-based use of verticality in the case of spatial gestures), and (3) the directionality of the gestures is also shared, again eschewing the concrete-metaphorical distinction. These results are especially interesting, since they are also compatible with the hypothesis put forward by Cai & Connell (2015), hinting at a common representational format of both domains. At any case, this study reinforces the solid relationship between the domains of space and of time, proving once again how gesturing can be an invaluable tool in finding out about conceptualization patterns.","PeriodicalId":164622,"journal":{"name":"Glossa Psycholinguistics","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139353435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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