娜塔莉·泽蒙·戴维斯,《近代早期法国的社会与文化:八篇随笔》(斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,1975),18 + 362页。

A. Moote
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引用次数: 0

摘要

知道娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis)对近代早期法国的妇女、工匠、农民和其他弱势群体感兴趣的人,会立即意识到这本精彩的随笔书与欧洲工人阶级历史的相关性。这种相关性在一定程度上指出了19世纪和20世纪劳动者所面临的水平排列的“阶级”结构与早期现代等级社会的“订单”之间的对比,“订单”将较低的工作订单垂直地与他们的社会上级联系起来,而不是在工作团结中水平地联系起来。在这种情况下,为了更深入地理解我们所研究的群体是如何行动的和不能行动的,也就是说,他们的独特之处是什么,我们所有人都应该超越我们的专业领域——在这个案例中,这是很有用的。然而,令人惊讶的是,娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis)的文章《上位的女性》(Women On Top)和《里昂的罢工与拯救》(Strikes and Salvation at Lyon)在展示几个世纪以来劳动和“下层阶级”条件、态度,甚至是改善的潜力方面,几乎同样具有相关性。这一令人不安的事实(扰乱了学者们的学术假设,也激怒了他们认为情况会随着时间的推移而好转的想法)提出了一些根本性的问题:劳工历史学家应该研究什么,如何研究,甚至为什么研究。作为一个“局外人”,在我看来,这个问题不仅重要,而且可能是“现代”劳动历史学家的核心,我从1975年5月的《时事通讯》中注意到,在19世纪晚期的法国,熟练的工匠对女性、社会秩序重组、甚至连经济状况都与法国大革命时期的无裤男(可能后来的工人更保守)和娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis) 16世纪行会的菜单人惊人地相似(而且没有戴维斯的“工人阶级”嘉年华(charivaris)中对社会规范的尖锐批评的天赋)。和《暴政修道院》)。带着对现代工人阶级研究的疑问,让我来看看这八篇论文。出于简报的目的,并向作者道歉,因为遗漏了许多对早期现代历史学家至关重要的内容,这些研究可以分为三类。首先,有三个研究强调社会上层对下层的待遇和态度,其中包括人文主义者,新教和天主教当局,文学和医学专家,城市商业利益,甚至是鹅妈妈民间传统名声的查尔斯佩罗。戴维斯的《穷人救济、人道主义和异端》表明,一个前工业社会,尽管宗教上四分五裂,失去了中世纪的宗教和社会义务来帮助穷人,仍然可能接近于
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Natalie Zemon Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France: Eight Essays (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), xviii + 362 pp.
Those who know of Natalie Davis' interest in the women, artisans, peasants and other unprivileged groups of early modern France will immediately recognize the relevance to European workingclass history of this sparkling book of essays. That relevance is partly one of pointing out the contrasts between the horizontally arranged "class" structure confronting nineteenthand twentiethcentury laborers on the one hand and, on the other, the early modern hierarchical society of "orders" that linked the lower, working orders vertically to their social superiors rather than horizontally in working solidarity. It is useful for all of us to look beyond our specialized fields time periods in this case in order to understand more deeply how the groups we study can act and cannot act, that is, what is unique about them. Yet, surprisingly, Natalie Davis' essays such as "Women On Top" and "Strikes and Salvation at Lyon" are almost equally relevant in showing the continuity of laboring and "lower, class" conditions, attitudes, and even potentiality for improvement over the centuries. This disturbing fact (disturbing academicians' scholarly assumptions as well as outraging their feelings that things should get better as time progresses) raises fundamental questions about what labor historians should study, how, and even why. As an "outsider" it seems to me that the issue is not only important but perhaps central to "modern" labor historians, and I note from the May 1975 Newsletter that in late nineteenth-century France skilled artisans held attitudes toward women, social reordering, and even economics strikingly similar to the situation of the French Revolutionary sansculottes (probably the later workers were more conservative) and to the menu peuple of Natalie Davis' sixteenth-century guilds (and without the flair for trenchant criticism of social norms found in Davis' "working class" carnivals, charivaris. and Misrule Abbeys). With questions about modern working-class studies in mind, let me turn to the eight essays. For the purposes of the Newsletter, and with apologies to the author for omitting much that is central to early modern historians, the studies can be grouped into three categories. First, there are three studies emphasizing treatment of and attitudes towards the lower orders by social superiors, among them humanists, Protestant and Catholic authorities, literary and medical specialists, urban business interests, and even Charles Perrault of Mother Goose folk tradition fame. Davis' "Poor relief, Humanism, and Heresy" shows that a preindustrial society even though torn religiously and losing the medieval religious and societal obligation to help the poor, could still come as close as
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