{"title":"胡萝卜、大棒和规范:欧盟与东南欧区域合作","authors":"D. Bechev","doi":"10.1080/14613190600595515","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Regional cooperation is, no doubt, one of the buzzwords in Southeast Europe (SEE). One comes across it in every official speech, policy paper andmedia piece dealing with the politics and economics of the area. The growth of different schemes has been a defining feature of the Balkan political landscape since the Dayton peace. Local diplomatic jargon abounds with barely pronounceable acronyms such as SEECP, SECI or TTFSEE. Social scientists and policy analysts indulge in lengthy discussions about the actual contribution and prospects of regional schemes across various policy-areas. Regional cooperation, to a large degree, is a process driven by powerful extra-Balkan actors such as the EU, NATO, USA and the international financial institutions (IFIs). Back in the mid-1990s, it was still questionable which external power called the shots. Both the USA and the EU launched parallel initiatives: the Southeast Cooperative Initiative (SECI) and Royaumont process. With the inauguration of the postKosovo Stability Pact, the German presidency of the EU could boast that ‘the hour of Europe’, ill-fatedly heralded by Jacques Poos at the outset of the wars of Yugoslav succession, had finally arrived. Yet, the Pact relied on the concerted effort of other multiple donors, including the World Bank and various Western governments. Five years down the road, there could be little doubt that the EU is the main stakeholder and driving force behind the regionalisation effort. This is","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"56","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Carrots, sticks and norms: the EU and regional cooperation in Southeast Europe\",\"authors\":\"D. Bechev\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/14613190600595515\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Regional cooperation is, no doubt, one of the buzzwords in Southeast Europe (SEE). One comes across it in every official speech, policy paper andmedia piece dealing with the politics and economics of the area. The growth of different schemes has been a defining feature of the Balkan political landscape since the Dayton peace. Local diplomatic jargon abounds with barely pronounceable acronyms such as SEECP, SECI or TTFSEE. Social scientists and policy analysts indulge in lengthy discussions about the actual contribution and prospects of regional schemes across various policy-areas. Regional cooperation, to a large degree, is a process driven by powerful extra-Balkan actors such as the EU, NATO, USA and the international financial institutions (IFIs). Back in the mid-1990s, it was still questionable which external power called the shots. Both the USA and the EU launched parallel initiatives: the Southeast Cooperative Initiative (SECI) and Royaumont process. With the inauguration of the postKosovo Stability Pact, the German presidency of the EU could boast that ‘the hour of Europe’, ill-fatedly heralded by Jacques Poos at the outset of the wars of Yugoslav succession, had finally arrived. Yet, the Pact relied on the concerted effort of other multiple donors, including the World Bank and various Western governments. Five years down the road, there could be little doubt that the EU is the main stakeholder and driving force behind the regionalisation effort. This is\",\"PeriodicalId\":313717,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2006-04-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"56\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190600595515\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190600595515","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
Carrots, sticks and norms: the EU and regional cooperation in Southeast Europe
Regional cooperation is, no doubt, one of the buzzwords in Southeast Europe (SEE). One comes across it in every official speech, policy paper andmedia piece dealing with the politics and economics of the area. The growth of different schemes has been a defining feature of the Balkan political landscape since the Dayton peace. Local diplomatic jargon abounds with barely pronounceable acronyms such as SEECP, SECI or TTFSEE. Social scientists and policy analysts indulge in lengthy discussions about the actual contribution and prospects of regional schemes across various policy-areas. Regional cooperation, to a large degree, is a process driven by powerful extra-Balkan actors such as the EU, NATO, USA and the international financial institutions (IFIs). Back in the mid-1990s, it was still questionable which external power called the shots. Both the USA and the EU launched parallel initiatives: the Southeast Cooperative Initiative (SECI) and Royaumont process. With the inauguration of the postKosovo Stability Pact, the German presidency of the EU could boast that ‘the hour of Europe’, ill-fatedly heralded by Jacques Poos at the outset of the wars of Yugoslav succession, had finally arrived. Yet, the Pact relied on the concerted effort of other multiple donors, including the World Bank and various Western governments. Five years down the road, there could be little doubt that the EU is the main stakeholder and driving force behind the regionalisation effort. This is