D. H. M. join, Royama Masamichi, Ukai Nobunari, Tsuji Kiyoaki, Kawahara Jikichiro, Nakamura Kikuo
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引用次数: 0

摘要

占领引起的土地改革消灭了旧的地主-佃农关系,却没有把农民变成民主资产阶级,这一事实证明了这种谬论。此外,伊藤还指出,在战后时期,工农派的立场已经系统化,尤其是东京大学教授大内刚(Ouchi Tsutomu),他阐述了左翼社会主义者建立其农业计划模型的理论立场。另一方面,伊藤用非常具体的例子解释说,在战后时期,共产主义的立场已经从内部瓦解,特别是在土地改革是否带来了根本性的变化,或者封建关系是否仍然以新的形式存在的问题上。左派社会主义在这个问题上的立场在竹内武关于土地运动的一章中得到了放大。然而,通过比较不同作者叙述同一事件的章节,可以看出工农派本身的立场并不完全统一。尤其明显的例子可以在Takasawa Torao的章节中找到,这是迄今为止唯一没有提到的,关于打击和解主义的章节。也许是因为他强调斗争右翼对抗左翼,Takasawa评估活动流产2月1日,1947年的大罢工是一个伟大的和信贷给社会党领导(p。225),而Yokoyama并不试图作出评价的一种方法或其他(页74 - 75)和野中郁次郎(真理)声称它是由共产党领导,然后指责他所认为的战术失误,损害日本劳工的利益(第116-119页)。然而,这种和其他矛盾的观点和解释的例子只会使这本书更具代表性,因为日本社会主义者不仅在统一的党内也深深分裂为所谓的左右两派,而且在每个派别和派别中也分裂成更小的派别。作为一个派系的观点,即使不是完全统一的,这本书无疑是一个有计划的尝试,以支持和影响整个社会主义运动,为此目的,它倾斜了历史,把焦点放在那些成为左派社会主义者领导人的人身上。即使他们是过去某个组织中不重要的成员,他们的名字也会被单独提及,而更重要的人物和对手则被省略。因此,虽然这本书在任何意义上都不是一本学术的、准确的或全面的日本社会主义运动史,但它可以作为左派社会主义者对他们自己的过去和现在的基本看法的参考,因此可以提供更多的线索,甚至在一个统一的社会主义党内,他们的未来路线。
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Sōsenkyo no jittai [Facts on the general election] . Ed. by Rōyama Masamichi, Ukai Nobunari, Tsuji Kiyoaki, Kawahara Jikichirō, and Nakamura Kikuo. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1955. 9 + 207. 300 yen.
fallaciousness has been proved by the fact that the occupation-sponsored land reform has done away with the old landlord-tenant relationships without making the peasants into a democratic bourgeoisie. Furthermore, Ito points out that in the postwar period it is the Labor-Farmer Faction whose position has been systematized, particularly by Ouchi Tsutomu, professor at Tokyo University, who has formulated the theoretical position on which the Left Socialists have modeled their agrarian program. The communist position, on the other hand, Ito explains with very specific examples, has been breaking up from within during the postwar period, particularly over the question of whether land reform has brought about a fundamental change or whether feudalistic relationships still survive in a new form. The Left Socialist position on this question is amplified in Takeuchi Takeshi's chapter on the agrarian movement. That the Labor-Farmer Faction's stand itself is not completely unified, however, may be seen by comparing chapters where different authors recount the same events. Especially clear examples may be found in Takasawa Torao's chapter, the only one not mentioned so far, on combatting conciliationism. Perhaps because of his emphasis on the struggle against the right wing instead of against the left, Takasawa evaluates the campaign for the abortive February 1, 1947 general strike as a great one and gives the Socialists credit for leading it (p. 225), whereas Yokoyama does not attempt to make an evaluation of it one way or the other (pp. 74-75) and Nonaka claims (with greater truth) that it was led by the Communists and then blames them for what he considers a tactical blunder, harmful to the interests of labor in Japan (pp. 116-119). This and other instances of contradictory opinion and interpretation, however, only make this book more representative, for the Japanese Socialists are not only deeply split into the so-called right and left even within the reunited party but are also fragmented into smaller fractions within each wing and faction. Being the viewpoint of one faction, even though not entirely unified, this book is without doubt a calculated attempt to support and influence the whole socialist movement and for this purpose it has slanted history so as to place the limelight on those who became the leaders of the Left Socialists. Even if they were unimportant members of some organization in the past, their names are singled out for mention while more important persons and antagonists are omitted. Thus, while in no sense a scholarly, accurate, or thorough history of the socialist movement in Japan, this book can serve as a reference for the basic outlook of the Left Socialists on their own past and present and therefore can give more than just a hint as to their future course even in a reunited Socialist Party.
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