金融格局中的农业问题:安邦的案例

O. Hospes, F. Bouman
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Platteau and Abraham (1987) argue that credit has evolved as a hunger insurance mechanism in fishing communities in India as a result of daily fluctuations of fishing incomes: a fisherman with surplus income lends money to his less fortunate fellow fishermen, who are supposed to help him in return when short of money and food. Southwold (1990) describes how coconut evolved as the major form of collateral for credit for securing food in a period of drought, failure of the paddy crop and restricted money circulation in rural Sri Lanka. The regular and relatively predictable income from coconut proved a solid base for copra traders and shopkeepers to supply credit in cash or goods to farmers. Borren (1986) reports the existence of different flows and forms of credit in three ecological zones in the Great Scarcies Area of Sierra Leone, each characterized by a particular cropping pattern. Van Nieuwkoop (1986) finds that in Malaysia, “Paddy farmers who have an income that is generated only once or twice a year use more informal credit than rubber farmers who have a much more regular income” (p.60). These observations would lead one to expect that the relationship between particular agro-ecological conditions and savings strategies, credit transactions and redistribution of risk, has been the subject of much research and policy debate. However, only a few empirical studies have explored this relationship, and it is questionable whether their findings have influenced policy debate at all. Of course, this question is only one of many issues which arise in the field of rural finance, that is, the complex of decisions of individuals and groups regarding insurance, savings and credit; services of financial intermediaries; and existing relations and conditions that affect these decisions and services (cf. Schmidt and Kropp 1987). However, even at a time when the role of agricultural credit as a development tool was widely discussed, this “agrarian question” was hardly addressed (AID Spring Review of Small Farmer Credit 1973). Yet the considerable difficulties in defining “the small farmer” would have provided ample reason to do so. Rice (1973) mentions that, “no single satisfactory definition is available to distinguish small farmers from medium and large farmers in all parts of the world” (p.3). However, this conclusion was not followed by a call for a more contextual approach of the credit problematic that takes into account location-specific ecological and agroeconomic environments. 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引用次数: 2

摘要

每一种农业生态状况都隐含着一种特定的生产模式,以及生产者储蓄、借贷和保险行为的特定组合。同样,农业贸易商和其他金融中介机构的策略和服务在很大程度上取决于农业生态状况。土壤条件、种植模式、供水和干旱可能对发展中国家农村地区金融服务的性质和数量产生强烈影响。农业生产的可预测性、周期性和多样性直接影响到生产者有关储蓄、借贷和保险的决定。Platteau和Abraham(1987)认为,由于渔业收入的日常波动,信贷在印度的渔业社区已经演变为一种饥饿保险机制:收入过剩的渔民把钱借给运气较差的渔民,他们应该在缺钱和缺食物时帮助他作为回报。绍斯沃尔德(1990)描述了在斯里兰卡农村干旱、水稻作物歉收和货币流通受限的时期,椰子如何演变为获得粮食的主要信贷抵押品。椰子的定期和相对可预测的收入证明了椰子贸易商和店主向农民提供现金或货物信贷的坚实基础。Borren(1986)报告说,在塞拉利昂大稀缺地区的三个生态区存在着不同的信贷流动和形式,每个生态区都有一个特定的种植模式。Van Nieuwkoop(1986)发现,在马来西亚,“一年只能获得一两次收入的稻农比有更多固定收入的橡胶农使用更多的非正式信贷”(第60页)。这些观察结果将使人们期望特定农业生态条件与储蓄策略、信贷交易和风险再分配之间的关系一直是许多研究和政策辩论的主题。然而,只有少数实证研究探讨了这种关系,他们的发现是否影响了政策辩论,这是值得怀疑的。当然,这个问题只是农村金融领域出现的众多问题之一,即个人和群体在保险、储蓄和信贷方面的复杂决策;金融中介服务;以及影响这些决策和服务的现有关系和条件(参见Schmidt和Kropp 1987)。然而,即使在农业信贷作为一种发展工具的作用被广泛讨论的时候,这个“农业问题”也几乎没有得到解决(1973年国际开发署《小农信贷春季回顾》)。然而,界定“小农”存在相当大的困难,这为这样做提供了充分的理由。Rice(1973)提到,“没有一个令人满意的定义可以用来区分世界各地的小农、中型和大型农民”(第3页)。然而,在这一结论之后,并没有呼吁对信贷问题采取更具体的办法,考虑到具体地点的生态和农业经济环境。相反,赖斯向我们保证:
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The Agrarian Question of Financial Landscapes: The Case of Ambon
Every agro-ecological situation implies a specific pattern of production and a particular combination of savings, borrowing and insurance behavior of producers. Likewise, the strategies and services of agricultural traders and other financial intermediaries depend very much on the agro-ecological situation. Soil conditions, cropping patterns, water supply and drought might have a strong impact on the nature and number of financial services in rural areas of developing countries. Predictability, periodicity and diversity of agricultural production directly affect decisions of producers related to savings, borrowing and insurance. Platteau and Abraham (1987) argue that credit has evolved as a hunger insurance mechanism in fishing communities in India as a result of daily fluctuations of fishing incomes: a fisherman with surplus income lends money to his less fortunate fellow fishermen, who are supposed to help him in return when short of money and food. Southwold (1990) describes how coconut evolved as the major form of collateral for credit for securing food in a period of drought, failure of the paddy crop and restricted money circulation in rural Sri Lanka. The regular and relatively predictable income from coconut proved a solid base for copra traders and shopkeepers to supply credit in cash or goods to farmers. Borren (1986) reports the existence of different flows and forms of credit in three ecological zones in the Great Scarcies Area of Sierra Leone, each characterized by a particular cropping pattern. Van Nieuwkoop (1986) finds that in Malaysia, “Paddy farmers who have an income that is generated only once or twice a year use more informal credit than rubber farmers who have a much more regular income” (p.60). These observations would lead one to expect that the relationship between particular agro-ecological conditions and savings strategies, credit transactions and redistribution of risk, has been the subject of much research and policy debate. However, only a few empirical studies have explored this relationship, and it is questionable whether their findings have influenced policy debate at all. Of course, this question is only one of many issues which arise in the field of rural finance, that is, the complex of decisions of individuals and groups regarding insurance, savings and credit; services of financial intermediaries; and existing relations and conditions that affect these decisions and services (cf. Schmidt and Kropp 1987). However, even at a time when the role of agricultural credit as a development tool was widely discussed, this “agrarian question” was hardly addressed (AID Spring Review of Small Farmer Credit 1973). Yet the considerable difficulties in defining “the small farmer” would have provided ample reason to do so. Rice (1973) mentions that, “no single satisfactory definition is available to distinguish small farmers from medium and large farmers in all parts of the world” (p.3). However, this conclusion was not followed by a call for a more contextual approach of the credit problematic that takes into account location-specific ecological and agroeconomic environments. Instead, Rice reassures us that:
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