中国冲击后美国国会沟通的党派分歧

John Kuk, Deborah Seligsohn, Jiakun Jack Zhang
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引用次数: 4

摘要

地区层面的贸易竞争的政治影响被现任立法者的战略行为和党派关系对他们施加的限制所缓解。在本文中,我们考察了国会在中国和贸易相关问题上沟通策略的党派差异。我们发现,尽管中国的进口竞争对共和党和民主党控制的地区都产生了影响,但共和党政客们更倾向于保护主义和反华的言论和政策建议。我们利用来自国会议员的新闻稿数据显示,在对中国进口产品敞口较大的地区,共和党人更有可能将问题归咎于中国。但共和党和民主党在贸易问题上的信息总体上没有区别。我们将这种政治沟通策略的党派转变归因于这样一个事实,即相对于民主党人,共和党立法者在倡导贸易保护主义和社会福利方面更受其政党纲领的限制。将进口竞争的负面外部性归咎于中国(而非贸易政策),让共和党在任者得以继续支持该党的自由贸易纲领,而不会疏远选民。这就解释了为什么候选人特朗普将中国和贸易联系起来的保护主义信息比那些更基于经济现实的建议更能引起共和党基层的共鸣。
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The Partisan Divide in U.S. Congressional Communications After the China Shock
The district-level political implications of trade competition are mitigated by the strategic behavior of incumbent legislators and the constraints placed upon them by party affiliation. In this paper, we examine the partisan difference in congressional communication strategies on China and trade related issues. We find that, even though Chinese import competition impacted both Republican- and Democrat-held districts, Republican politicians engage in more protectionist and anti-China rhetoric and policy proposals. Using press release data from members of Congress, we show that, among districts more exposed to Chinese imports, Republicans are more likely to blame China as the problem. But there is no difference between Republican and Democratic messaging on trade issues in general. We attribute this partisan shift in political communication strategy to the fact that Republican legislators are more constrained by their party platform from advocating for trade protectionism and social welfare relative to Democrats. Blaming the negative externalities of import competition on China rather than on trade policy has allowed Republican incumbents to continue to support their party’s free trade platform without alienating their constituents. This explains why candidate Trump’s protectionist message linking China and trade resonated with the Republican base much more so than proposals that were better grounded in economic realities.
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