Anselm Hager, Lukas Hensel, Johannes Hermle, Christopher Roth
How does a citizen’s decision to participate in political activism depend on the participation of others? We conduct a nationwide natural field experiment in collaboration with a major European party during a recent national election. In a party survey, we randomly provide canvassers with true information about the canvassing intentions of their peers. When learning that more peers participate in canvassing than previously believed, canvassers significantly reduce both their canvassing intentions and behaviour. An additional survey among party supporters underscores the importance of free-riding motives and reveals that there is strong heterogeneity in motives underlying supporters’ behavioural responses.
{"title":"Political Activists as Free-Riders: Evidence from a Natural Field Experiment","authors":"Anselm Hager, Lukas Hensel, Johannes Hermle, Christopher Roth","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3488186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3488186","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 How does a citizen’s decision to participate in political activism depend on the participation of others? We conduct a nationwide natural field experiment in collaboration with a major European party during a recent national election. In a party survey, we randomly provide canvassers with true information about the canvassing intentions of their peers. When learning that more peers participate in canvassing than previously believed, canvassers significantly reduce both their canvassing intentions and behaviour. An additional survey among party supporters underscores the importance of free-riding motives and reveals that there is strong heterogeneity in motives underlying supporters’ behavioural responses.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126433837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this study is to explore how Self-esteem and self-interest affect health and wellbeing. For this, we propose a theoretical framework contending that self-esteem increase happiness and then job satisfaction. And this will affect wellbeing and health. Wellbeing is measured by Psychological, Social, Subjective, and Workplace Wellbeing. We also propose a moderating role of self-efficacy in the effect of self-esteem on its outcomes, in a way that higher self-efficacy would increase the effect of self-esteem on happiness, job satisfaction, health, and wellbeing. The data sample of 400 employees was collected through a survey questionnaire, on the Likert scale. Data was analyzed SEM-PLS along with 5 direct relations and 3 moderating relations. Factor analysis confirmed the relative independence of the eight JSS subscales. Any expenses will be divided equally between supervision and payment. Although the three scales have reasonable internal consistency, conditional rewards seem to make use of the other two scales. The evaluation and approval of employees may be regarded as aspects of supervision, while generally conditional services are regarded as money.
{"title":"How Self-Respect and Self Esteem affect wellbeing and health: The serial mediation of happiness, and job satisfaction, complemented by Self-Efficacy","authors":"Moiz Ahmad, D. Siddiqui","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3943079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3943079","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to explore how Self-esteem and self-interest affect health and wellbeing. For this, we propose a theoretical framework contending that self-esteem increase happiness and then job satisfaction. And this will affect wellbeing and health. Wellbeing is measured by Psychological, Social, Subjective, and Workplace Wellbeing. We also propose a moderating role of self-efficacy in the effect of self-esteem on its outcomes, in a way that higher self-efficacy would increase the effect of self-esteem on happiness, job satisfaction, health, and wellbeing. The data sample of 400 employees was collected through a survey questionnaire, on the Likert scale. Data was analyzed SEM-PLS along with 5 direct relations and 3 moderating relations. Factor analysis confirmed the relative independence of the eight JSS subscales. Any expenses will be divided equally between supervision and payment. Although the three scales have reasonable internal consistency, conditional rewards seem to make use of the other two scales. The evaluation and approval of employees may be regarded as aspects of supervision, while generally conditional services are regarded as money.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"177 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134063286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Baran Han, Benjamin Ho, Inbok Rhee, Chrysostomos Tabakis
Does fear cause us to “circle the wagons” and favor those in our in-group? Or does fear of the “other” cause us to recognize our common humanity and become more charitable to those we might otherwise consider outsiders? The measurement of this effect is confounded by the fact that some groups respond more strongly to fear than others. We run an online experiment on a nationally representative sample in South Korea in which we induce fear via the autobiographical emotional memory task method and examine the impact on donations to either an in-group charity (the Korean Red Cross) or one that caters to an out-group (the Korea Support Center for Foreign Workers). We find that, while the reported level of fear is negatively correlated with donations to the out-group, the induced fear caused by the experimental intervention is positively correlated with donations to the out-group. We also find that the fear effect depends on political views, media exposure, and social preferences. We confirm our experimental results by looking at how regional attitudes toward out-groups have shifted over time and compare those changes to the average level of reported fear during the COVID-19 pandemic. Places that report the most fear of COVID-19 also have had the greatest increases in prosocial attitudes toward out-groups.
{"title":"Fear and Favoritism in the Time of COVID-19","authors":"Baran Han, Benjamin Ho, Inbok Rhee, Chrysostomos Tabakis","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3903450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3903450","url":null,"abstract":"Does fear cause us to “circle the wagons” and favor those in our in-group? Or does fear of the “other” cause us to recognize our common humanity and become more charitable to those we might otherwise consider outsiders? The measurement of this effect is confounded by the fact that some groups respond more strongly to fear than others. We run an online experiment on a nationally representative sample in South Korea in which we induce fear via the autobiographical emotional memory task method and examine the impact on donations to either an in-group charity (the Korean Red Cross) or one that caters to an out-group (the Korea Support Center for Foreign Workers). We find that, while the reported level of fear is negatively correlated with donations to the out-group, the induced fear caused by the experimental intervention is positively correlated with donations to the out-group. We also find that the fear effect depends on political views, media exposure, and social preferences. We confirm our experimental results by looking at how regional attitudes toward out-groups have shifted over time and compare those changes to the average level of reported fear during the COVID-19 pandemic. Places that report the most fear of COVID-19 also have had the greatest increases in prosocial attitudes toward out-groups.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"96 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133952442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Independent and objective oversight bodies, congressional committees and the news media, are widely expected to help hold politicians accountable. We develop a model in which an informed oversight body may warn citizens about misconduct by an incumbent. Matching conventional logic about the benefits of caution, high evidentiary standards are necessary for warnings to be persuasive. However, the straightforward connection between caution and efficacy breaks down if we allow for uncertainty about the quality of oversight. With even a small chance of "fake news", caution can backfire, as incumbents strategically manipulate the reputation of the oversight body to destroy effective oversight.
{"title":"Fire Alarm Fatigue: How Politicians Evade Accountability","authors":"R. Gulotty, Zhaotian Luo","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3815391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3815391","url":null,"abstract":"Independent and objective oversight bodies, congressional committees and the news media, are widely expected to help hold politicians accountable. We develop a model in which an informed oversight body may warn citizens about misconduct by an incumbent. Matching conventional logic about the benefits of caution, high evidentiary standards are necessary for warnings to be persuasive. However, the straightforward connection between caution and efficacy breaks down if we allow for uncertainty about the quality of oversight. With even a small chance of \"fake news\", caution can backfire, as incumbents strategically manipulate the reputation of the oversight body to destroy effective oversight.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126957901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Census is carried in England and Wales every 10 years and gathers information on every household in the population. We conducted a survey two weeks prior to the official census date and measured intention to complete the census. We find that men, the young, and those in rented accommodation are significantly less likely to state an intention to complete the census. We also found a large effect of generalized trust and trust in scientists.
{"title":"Trust to the Scientists: Intention to Complete the 2021 Census in England and Wales","authors":"E. Cartwright, J. Davies, J. Rose","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3810879","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3810879","url":null,"abstract":"The Census is carried in England and Wales every 10 years and gathers information on every household in the population. We conducted a survey two weeks prior to the official census date and measured intention to complete the census. We find that men, the young, and those in rented accommodation are significantly less likely to state an intention to complete the census. We also found a large effect of generalized trust and trust in scientists.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124585475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Judicial investigations into politicians are a fundamental component of politics, with these investigations often leading to public scandals. Yet, empirical evidence of the strategic determinants of judicial investigations is intrinsically hard to gather, a problem that has significantly limited the study of this important phenomenon. This paper studies the politics behind judicial investigations by leveraging new data on prosecutors’ informants in 1125 episodes of misbehavior of Italian MPs involved in different crimes (1983-2019). Results provide evidence in favor of a political use of denunciations for corruption crimes: when a party weakens, the likelihood that political enemies denounce past misbehavior of members of the weakened party increases, suggesting that the political use of denunciation is elastic to changes in the electoral performance. Furthermore, weakened MPs are more likely to be accused of misbehavior that happened a long time before the accusation, which further supports the argument that accusations are politically motivated.
{"title":"Politics by Denunciation","authors":"Giovanna M. Invernizzi, A. Ceron","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3802552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3802552","url":null,"abstract":"Judicial investigations into politicians are a fundamental component of politics, with these investigations often leading to public scandals. Yet, empirical evidence of the strategic determinants of judicial investigations is intrinsically hard to gather, a problem that has significantly limited the study of this important phenomenon. This paper studies the politics behind judicial investigations by leveraging new data on prosecutors’ informants in 1125 episodes of misbehavior of Italian MPs involved in different crimes (1983-2019). Results provide evidence in favor of a political use of denunciations for corruption crimes: when a party weakens, the likelihood that political enemies denounce past misbehavior of members of the weakened party increases, suggesting that the political use of denunciation is elastic to changes in the electoral performance. Furthermore, weakened MPs are more likely to be accused of misbehavior that happened a long time before the accusation, which further supports the argument that accusations are politically motivated.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129002921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How can we motivate `good' politicians -- those that will carry out policy that is responsive to citizens' preferences -- to enter politics? In a field experiment in Pakistan, we vary how political office is portrayed to ordinary citizens. We find that emphasizing pro-social motives for holding political office instead of personal returns -- such as the ability to help others versus enhancing one's own respect and status -- raises the likelihood that individuals run for office and that voters elect them. It also better aligns subsequent policies with citizens' preferences. The candidacy decisions are explained by social influence, and not information salience -- we find that social versus personal messaging matters only when randomly delivered in a public setting but not in private. Results also show that changes in political supply, not citizen preferences or behavior, explain policy alignment. Taken together, the results demonstrate that non-financial motivations for political entry shape how politicians perform in office.
{"title":"'Good Politicians': Experimental Evidence on Motivations for Political Candidacy and Government Performance","authors":"Saad Gulzar, Muhammad Yasir Khan","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3826067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3826067","url":null,"abstract":"How can we motivate `good' politicians -- those that will carry out policy that is responsive to citizens' preferences -- to enter politics? In a field experiment in Pakistan, we vary how political office is portrayed to ordinary citizens. We find that emphasizing pro-social motives for holding political office instead of personal returns -- such as the ability to help others versus enhancing one's own respect and status -- raises the likelihood that individuals run for office and that voters elect them. It also better aligns subsequent policies with citizens' preferences. The candidacy decisions are explained by social influence, and not information salience -- we find that social versus personal messaging matters only when randomly delivered in a public setting but not in private. Results also show that changes in political supply, not citizen preferences or behavior, explain policy alignment. Taken together, the results demonstrate that non-financial motivations for political entry shape how politicians perform in office.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115575539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I study US-president’s Trump tweets on the US/China trade relationship and their impact stock valuations of companies with a high China exposure. This event study deploys data from the MSCI World with China Index and identifies potential out-/underperformance using cumulative abnormal returns (CAR). My results are presented based on the full index constitutes using heatmaps to show significance of CARs where applicable.
My findings suggest that statistically significant CARs are limited depending on identified tweets and appear volatile depending on the estimation window. A vast amount of statistically insignificant CARs based on Trump tweets on China supports the conclusion that his tweets had an overall low impact on the index companies.
{"title":"Trump Tweet Impacts on the MSCI World Exposure with China Index - Evidence from An Event Study Deploying Cumulative Abnormal Returns","authors":"Juergen Klaus","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3788169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3788169","url":null,"abstract":"I study US-president’s Trump tweets on the US/China trade relationship and their impact stock valuations of companies with a high China exposure. This event study deploys data from the MSCI World with China Index and identifies potential out-/underperformance using cumulative abnormal returns (CAR). My results are presented based on the full index constitutes using heatmaps to show significance of CARs where applicable.<br><br>My findings suggest that statistically significant CARs are limited depending on identified tweets and appear volatile depending on the estimation window. A vast amount of statistically insignificant CARs based on Trump tweets on China supports the conclusion that his tweets had an overall low impact on the index companies.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121224184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Currently, Europe is facing a crisis of left ideology rooted both in historical premises and decrease in the passionary and rhetoric characteristics of the leaders of left-wing organizations and arising from deteriorating morals. The Spanish left movement, emphasize a number of key factors shaping left political parties in Spain and in Europe as a whole. The article concludes that despite serious problems within the left movement, the demand for social justice remains high, which, in the long-term, shall lead to the rise of new non-mainstream politicians, as well as organizations that prioritizing struggle for the fundamental interests of modern European society. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the contradictions that have developed in the Spanish left movement. The identification of the key factors affecting the genesis of Spanish left-wing political forces allows not only to predict further political processes in Spain, but also provides insight into the actual state of the modern international social-democratic movement. According to the authors, it is possible to extrapolate the left tendencies that exist in Spanish society to the countries of Southern Europe and Latin America with a similar domestic political and economic situation, which can present not only theoretical, but also practical interest.
{"title":"Origins and Prospects of Left Movement in Spain","authors":"E. Astakhov","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3752336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3752336","url":null,"abstract":"Currently, Europe is facing a crisis of left ideology rooted both in historical premises and decrease in the passionary and rhetoric characteristics of the leaders of left-wing organizations and arising from deteriorating morals. The Spanish left movement, emphasize a number of key factors shaping left political parties in Spain and in Europe as a whole. The article concludes that despite serious problems within the left movement, the demand for social justice remains high, which, in the long-term, shall lead to the rise of new non-mainstream politicians, as well as organizations that prioritizing struggle for the fundamental interests of modern European society. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the contradictions that have developed in the Spanish left movement. The identification of the key factors affecting the genesis of Spanish left-wing political forces allows not only to predict further political processes in Spain, but also provides insight into the actual state of the modern international social-democratic movement. According to the authors, it is possible to extrapolate the left tendencies that exist in Spanish society to the countries of Southern Europe and Latin America with a similar domestic political and economic situation, which can present not only theoretical, but also practical interest.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116741982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We study the implications of state dependent costs of policy mismatch in political agency models where politicians have reputational concerns and ``good'' politicians share the same objectives with the voters. We find that state-dependent costs can increase the set of parameters where pandering is an equilibrium strategy. Indeed, in our model, pandering can arise even without office rents. Moreover, we show that voters do not necessarily prefer biased politicians to be in favour of the policy that produces the cheapest expected cost of mismatch. We discuss the implications of those results for populism, environmental policies and the equilibrium incentives to over- or under-provide lockdowns or other mitigation measures.
{"title":"A Note on Asymmetric Policies: Pandering and State-specific Costs of Mismatch in Political Agency","authors":"Guido Merzoni, Federico Trombetta","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3693613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3693613","url":null,"abstract":"We study the implications of state dependent costs of policy mismatch in political agency models where politicians have reputational concerns and ``good'' politicians share the same objectives with the voters. We find that state-dependent costs can increase the set of parameters where pandering is an equilibrium strategy. Indeed, in our model, pandering can arise even without office rents. Moreover, we show that voters do not necessarily prefer biased politicians to be in favour of the policy that produces the cheapest expected cost of mismatch.<br>We discuss the implications of those results for populism, environmental policies and the equilibrium incentives to over- or under-provide lockdowns or other mitigation measures.","PeriodicalId":223724,"journal":{"name":"Political Behavior: Cognition","volume":"136 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123591671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：