通过菲律宾的非政府组织向微型企业提供贷款

P. Ghate, F. Bouman, O. Hospes
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Two types of approaches will be briefly described in this chapter: the first approach is to concentrate on qualitative change of a limited number of enterprises, offering them a rather comprehensive range of services. The second approach, that refers to so-called “minimalist programs”, is directed at expansion of a large number of enterprises through the provision of a minimum of services. NGOs and peoples organizations such as cooperatives and credit unions are usually regarded as semiformal. Although regulated in certain aspects they retain the essential informality of the informal sector. Thus the programs discussed in this paper can be viewed as an attempt to develop and use the semi-formal sector to fill a void left not only by the formal, but also by the informal sector, which practices its own form of credit rationing. To the extent the informal sector does lend to micro enterprises, these programs can also be viewed as an attempt to improve the terms of such lending, by providing stronger competition to the informal sector. There is a long history of NGO involvement in livelihood programs in the Philippines, based originally on grant assistance from bilateral donors, international NGOs, and even the private corporate sector (through the Philippine Business for Social Progress.) However, in the 1980s government agencies also became increasingly involved through direct lending to beneficiaries. The most salient of the earlier government programs was the KKK launched in 1981. It fell into some disrepute when it became overly politicized in the selection of beneficiaries and had a very low repayment rate. The Philippines has recently undertaken a major devolution of functions and resources to the local governments under the Local Government Code. However, the interests of the poor are expected to be better protected in future local-government implemented programs by the statutorily granted representation of NGO representatives on provincial and municipal governments (of unto 25 percent of the strength of their legislative bodies). Livelihood programs were revived under the Aquino administration as a major component of the antipoverty program and proliferated until as many as 154 programs, according to one count, were being run by nine line-agencies, some of them lending directly to borrowers. Together with several government financial institutions and corporations also financing livelihood programs, they are reported to have been spending P2.3 billion a year 1 , of which 40 percent was foreign funded. While various agencies attempted to specialize in their clientele, in practice there was a large measure of overlap, and possibilities of complementation and exploiting economies of scale remained unutilized. One evaluation of several programs being run by different bureaus of the same agency, the Department of Labour and Employment (DOLE), found that most of the programs had the same sort of beneficiaries and were too small to be cost-effective (Bot 1990). On an average, a loan of P10,000 had generated about P23,000 of income a year, as well as 0.9 jobs, divided almost equally between self and wage employment. About one third of the projects financed were a main source of income for the household. There was a close relationship between the success of the enterprise and the repayment rate. Overall the payment rate was 68 percent, although less than 20 percent of the enterprises failed entirely, 15 percent earning insufficient income to make full repayment. There was no observable association between the success rate and the size of the loan. Trading enterprises were on average more profitable than manufacturing and services, and “agro-industrial” enterprises (such as hog-raising) the least profitable. In response to growing unease with some of the problems of the program, and in keeping with the new (1986) constitution that required the state “to encourage non-governmental and community-base sectoral organizations”, as well as with the medium-term development plan (1987-92) which recognized NGOs as “essential partners in the development effort”, a decision was taken that by the end of 1989 all line-agencies should discontinue direct lending and channel future assistance through financial institutions or NGOs. 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Although regulated in certain aspects they retain the essential informality of the informal sector. Thus the programs discussed in this paper can be viewed as an attempt to develop and use the semi-formal sector to fill a void left not only by the formal, but also by the informal sector, which practices its own form of credit rationing. To the extent the informal sector does lend to micro enterprises, these programs can also be viewed as an attempt to improve the terms of such lending, by providing stronger competition to the informal sector. There is a long history of NGO involvement in livelihood programs in the Philippines, based originally on grant assistance from bilateral donors, international NGOs, and even the private corporate sector (through the Philippine Business for Social Progress.) However, in the 1980s government agencies also became increasingly involved through direct lending to beneficiaries. The most salient of the earlier government programs was the KKK launched in 1981. It fell into some disrepute when it became overly politicized in the selection of beneficiaries and had a very low repayment rate. The Philippines has recently undertaken a major devolution of functions and resources to the local governments under the Local Government Code. However, the interests of the poor are expected to be better protected in future local-government implemented programs by the statutorily granted representation of NGO representatives on provincial and municipal governments (of unto 25 percent of the strength of their legislative bodies). Livelihood programs were revived under the Aquino administration as a major component of the antipoverty program and proliferated until as many as 154 programs, according to one count, were being run by nine line-agencies, some of them lending directly to borrowers. Together with several government financial institutions and corporations also financing livelihood programs, they are reported to have been spending P2.3 billion a year 1 , of which 40 percent was foreign funded. While various agencies attempted to specialize in their clientele, in practice there was a large measure of overlap, and possibilities of complementation and exploiting economies of scale remained unutilized. One evaluation of several programs being run by different bureaus of the same agency, the Department of Labour and Employment (DOLE), found that most of the programs had the same sort of beneficiaries and were too small to be cost-effective (Bot 1990). On an average, a loan of P10,000 had generated about P23,000 of income a year, as well as 0.9 jobs, divided almost equally between self and wage employment. About one third of the projects financed were a main source of income for the household. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

本章论述了非政府组织在菲律宾的微型企业贷款项目。它包含四个部分:项目本身的简要背景,它们背后的前提,可持续性问题和一些研究重点。所讨论的项目代表了菲律宾正在进行的一项重大尝试,即利用非政府组织和“人民组织”作为中介,通过向微型企业提供贷款来大幅减少贫困,从而重建金融格局的本质。微型企业方案一词是指通过提供信贷、培训和其他投入来促进小型自雇活动。本章将简要介绍两种方法:第一种方法是集中于有限数量的企业的质变,为它们提供相当全面的服务。第二种方法是所谓的“极简方案”,通过提供最少的服务来扩大大量企业的规模。非政府组织和人民组织,如合作社和信用合作社,通常被认为是半正式的。虽然它们在某些方面受到管制,但仍保留了非正规部门的基本非正式性。因此,本文讨论的项目可以被视为一种尝试,旨在发展和利用半正规部门来填补正规部门和非正规部门留下的空白,后者实行自己的信贷配给形式。在非正规部门确实向微型企业提供贷款的情况下,这些方案也可以被视为通过为非正规部门提供更强的竞争来改善此类贷款条件的一种尝试。非政府组织参与菲律宾民生项目的历史悠久,最初是基于双边捐助者、国际非政府组织,甚至私营企业部门(通过菲律宾商业促进社会进步组织)的赠款援助。然而,在1980年代,政府机构也通过直接贷款给受益者而越来越多地参与其中。早期政府计划中最突出的是1981年发起的三k党。当它在受益人的选择上变得过于政治化,而且还款率很低时,它就陷入了一些不光彩的境地。菲律宾最近根据《地方政府法典》将职能和资源主要下放给地方政府。然而,在未来的地方政府实施的项目中,穷人的利益有望得到更好的保护,因为非政府组织的代表在省政府和市政府中获得了法定的代表权(占其立法机构人数的25%)。在阿基诺执政期间,民生项目作为反贫困项目的一个主要组成部分重新得到恢复,并迅速扩大,据一项统计,由九个一线机构管理的项目多达154个,其中一些直接向借款人提供贷款。据报道,加上一些政府金融机构和企业也为民生项目提供资金,他们每年的支出为p23亿1,其中40%是外国资金。虽然各机构试图专门处理其服务对象,但实际上有很大程度的重叠,相互补充和利用规模经济的可能性仍未得到利用。对同一机构,即劳动和就业部(DOLE)的不同部门管理的几个项目进行的一项评估发现,大多数项目的受益人都是同一类人,而且规模太小,成本效益不高(Bot 1990)。平均而言,1万比索的贷款每年产生约2.3万比索的收入,以及0.9个就业岗位,自营就业和领薪就业几乎平分。所资助的项目中约有三分之一是家庭的主要收入来源。企业的成功与还款率有着密切的关系。总体上,还款率为68%,尽管只有不到20%的企业完全破产,15%的企业收入不足,无法全额还款。成功率和贷款规模之间没有明显的联系。贸易企业的平均利润高于制造业和服务业,而“农业工业”企业(如养猪)的利润最低。由于对该方案的一些问题日益感到不安,并根据要求国家“鼓励非政府组织和以社区为基础的部门组织”的新(1986年)宪法,以及承认非政府组织是“发展努力的重要伙伴”的中期发展计划(1987- 1992年),会议决定,到1989年底,所有部门机构应停止直接贷款,并通过金融机构或非政府组织提供今后的援助。在
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Lending to Micro Enterprises Through NGOs in the Philippines
This chapter deals with NGO programs of lending to micro enterprises in the Philippines. It contains four sections: a brief background on the programs themselves, the premises underlying them, questions of sustainability, and some research priorities. The programs discussed represent a major attempt underway in the Philippines to reconstruct the nature of the financial landscapes by using NGOs and “peoples organizations” as intermediaries to make a major dent on poverty by lending to micro enterprises. The term micro-enterprise program refers to the promotion of small self-employment activities through the provision of credit, training and other inputs. Two types of approaches will be briefly described in this chapter: the first approach is to concentrate on qualitative change of a limited number of enterprises, offering them a rather comprehensive range of services. The second approach, that refers to so-called “minimalist programs”, is directed at expansion of a large number of enterprises through the provision of a minimum of services. NGOs and peoples organizations such as cooperatives and credit unions are usually regarded as semiformal. Although regulated in certain aspects they retain the essential informality of the informal sector. Thus the programs discussed in this paper can be viewed as an attempt to develop and use the semi-formal sector to fill a void left not only by the formal, but also by the informal sector, which practices its own form of credit rationing. To the extent the informal sector does lend to micro enterprises, these programs can also be viewed as an attempt to improve the terms of such lending, by providing stronger competition to the informal sector. There is a long history of NGO involvement in livelihood programs in the Philippines, based originally on grant assistance from bilateral donors, international NGOs, and even the private corporate sector (through the Philippine Business for Social Progress.) However, in the 1980s government agencies also became increasingly involved through direct lending to beneficiaries. The most salient of the earlier government programs was the KKK launched in 1981. It fell into some disrepute when it became overly politicized in the selection of beneficiaries and had a very low repayment rate. The Philippines has recently undertaken a major devolution of functions and resources to the local governments under the Local Government Code. However, the interests of the poor are expected to be better protected in future local-government implemented programs by the statutorily granted representation of NGO representatives on provincial and municipal governments (of unto 25 percent of the strength of their legislative bodies). Livelihood programs were revived under the Aquino administration as a major component of the antipoverty program and proliferated until as many as 154 programs, according to one count, were being run by nine line-agencies, some of them lending directly to borrowers. Together with several government financial institutions and corporations also financing livelihood programs, they are reported to have been spending P2.3 billion a year 1 , of which 40 percent was foreign funded. While various agencies attempted to specialize in their clientele, in practice there was a large measure of overlap, and possibilities of complementation and exploiting economies of scale remained unutilized. One evaluation of several programs being run by different bureaus of the same agency, the Department of Labour and Employment (DOLE), found that most of the programs had the same sort of beneficiaries and were too small to be cost-effective (Bot 1990). On an average, a loan of P10,000 had generated about P23,000 of income a year, as well as 0.9 jobs, divided almost equally between self and wage employment. About one third of the projects financed were a main source of income for the household. There was a close relationship between the success of the enterprise and the repayment rate. Overall the payment rate was 68 percent, although less than 20 percent of the enterprises failed entirely, 15 percent earning insufficient income to make full repayment. There was no observable association between the success rate and the size of the loan. Trading enterprises were on average more profitable than manufacturing and services, and “agro-industrial” enterprises (such as hog-raising) the least profitable. In response to growing unease with some of the problems of the program, and in keeping with the new (1986) constitution that required the state “to encourage non-governmental and community-base sectoral organizations”, as well as with the medium-term development plan (1987-92) which recognized NGOs as “essential partners in the development effort”, a decision was taken that by the end of 1989 all line-agencies should discontinue direct lending and channel future assistance through financial institutions or NGOs. At the
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