{"title":"就像钟摆的摆动:巴西圣保罗政府资助的农村定居点的历史(1820 - 1920)","authors":"Bruno Gabriel Witzel de Souza","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2023.2243035","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper studies the history of government-sponsored rural settlements in the province/state of São Paulo, Brazil, as a pendular movement, whose points of reversion depended on the interests of a landowning elite to obtain labour for newly expanding plantations from the 1820s to the 1920s. Faltering infrastructure and ill-defined property rights over public lands were persistent constraints to the development of such rural settlements. Part of this failure can be attributed to a lack of State capacity and part to the opposition of plantation owners to the settling of independent smallholdings. The paper complements this historical-institutional analysis with a quantitative description of such settlements in 1898–1920. These late government-sponsored rural settlements showed the potential to grow in demographic and economic terms and had an overall demographic and occupational composition well aligned with the goal of creating a family-based peasantry. However, there were enormous heterogeneities in ethno-linguistic composition, educational attainment, and economic prosperity between and within such rural settlements, which point to idiosyncratic features that should be taken into account in future research assessing the short- and long-run effects of immigration and settlement policies in Brazil.KEYWORDS: Rural settlement (Núcleo colonialColônia)plantationcoffeeimmigrationBrazil AcknowledgmentsI thank Stephan Klasen (in memoriam), Erika Anderson, Renato Colistete, André Lanza, José Meléndez, Miqueias Mügge, and William Summerhill for discussing various aspects of this paper. Maria Lúcia Lamounier gave me a much required intellectual incentive to keep working on it. I also benefited from comments received at the XVIII World Economic History Congress and the 3rd German Social and Economic History Congress. Comments by three anonymous referees and Editor Alfonso Herranz-Loncán greatly improved the original manuscript. The usual disclaimers apply and the author is solely responsible for the content of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.DisclaimerThe first draft of this paper was completed during a postdoctoral research period at the Institute for Economic & Social History at the University of Göttingen.Correction StatementThis article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.Notes1 European immigrants were generally the focus of such settlement policies, partly but not exclusively due to the racist intent of ‘whitening’ Brazil. Nonetheless, as early as the 1810s, Magistrate Antonio Rodrigues Velloso de Oliveira, born in São Paulo, envisaged resettling free Brazilians in sparsely populated regions (Velloso de Oliveira Citation1868 [Citation1810], 35–36, 74–75, 87–88; Citation1873 [Citation1814], 112–13). Plans to conquer and settle the indigenous population within the Brazilian territory were also frequent at the time, as discussed by Mügge (Citation2022), and prevalent in Velloso de Oliveira’s proposals, as well.2 The same proponent of reforms mentioned in footnote 1 was careful enough to argue against any change in property rights over royal land grants conceded during the colonial era. Settlement policies were to be based exclusively on land-rental reforms, not on changes in property (Velloso de Oliveira Citation1873 [Citation1814], 99–100).3 See, for instance, the heated contemporaneous debates about the successes and failures of the first German colony in Santo Amaro in Diário de S. Paulo (18 October 1865, 2) and Correio Paulistano (26 March 1866, 2).4 Studies about rural settlements and their impacts on Brazilian long-run development are part of a larger literature assessing the effects of mass immigration to the Americas. For Latin America, see the review by Sánchez-Alonso (Citation2019, 24–27).5 Carvalho Filho and Monasterio (Citation2012) also find positive correlations between historical settlements and current developmental indicators in the state of Rio Grande do Sul; although not denying the importance of human capital, that paper stresses the positive role of reduced inequalities in landownership.6 Online repository of the Brazilian National Library: www.bndigital.bn.gov.br (last accessed on 19 May 2022).7 Pérez Meléndez (Citation2023a) also adopts a nation-wide coverage and inserts the Brazilian case in a global context. Unfortunately, I learned about that forthcoming book only after completing the final review of this paper.8 An exhaustive review of these case studies goes beyond the scope of this paper. I nonetheless highlight the works of Zenha (Citation1950) and Siriani (Citation2003) for the first German colonies, as well as Langenbuch (Citation1971) for colonies founded around the city of São Paulo in the 1870s.9 Free translation for Annuario Estatístico do Estado de São Paulo.10 On the archives of Langsdorff, see Bennigsen (Citation1954) and Schnaiderman (Citation1966).11 See also opinions published in O Farol Paulistano (26 March 1828, 2–4).12 The historiography on German immigration to Southern Brazil is amongst the most vast and comprehensive of any migratory wave to the country. An excellent summary is Dreher (Citation2013). Attempts at exhaustive bibliographical reviews about German-speakers in Brazil, more broadly, are Seyferth (Citation2002) and Kupfer (Citation2021).13 Estrada was also wrongly spelled Entrada. Rio Negro is located in the current state of Paraná, emancipated as an independent province from São Paulo in 1853.14 Report of the president of the province published in Correio Paulistano (20 February 1855, 1).15 Migratory inflows in this period were very small. In 1827–39, São Paulo accounted for only 11.11% of gross inflows to Brazil, which, in turn, corresponded to 1.76% of gross immigration to the US. The point of this paper is therefore related not to the size of the migratory inflows but to the relevance of this period in consolidating policies that led to mass immigration. I thank an anonymous referee for discussions on this issue. TableDownload CSVDisplay Table16 For an early critique see O Farol Paulistano (26 March 1828, 2–4; 22 November 1828, 1; 25 July 1829, 3). In the edition of 15 November 1828 (1–2) there is a critique by Vergueiro himself.17 It is worth noting the number of individuals involved in the policymaking of immigration to Brazil at the time who had studied at the University of Göttingen, in Germany. These included Mello Franco, Langsdorff, Schaeffer, and Luiz Vergueiro, son of Nicolau Vergueiro (see below). While I am not suggesting that they built a common network as students – as Langsdorff ([1825/26] 1997, 14) clearly mentioned that he was going to meet Dr Mello Franco for the first time in São Paulo – their recruitment of immigrants in the German States and the connections they might have had in Bremen and Hamburg were likely linked to their youth spent in the northern German States. See, in that regard, Begliomini (Citationn.d.), Bennigsen Citation1954, Castro (Citationn.d., 25), Karastojanov (Citation1998, footnote 388), Schnaiderman (Citation1966), and Sommer (Citation1950a, Citation1950b). For a history of ideas on settlement colonies in Brazil and their interconnections to German cameralism and the University of Göttingen, see Pérez Meléndez (Citation2023b).18 Aldeamentos were settlements founded by religious orders since the sixteenth century to convert and control indigenous populations. The policy of forced settlements continued deep into the nineteenth century, i.e. long after the ban on Jesuits and the confiscation of their property by the Portuguese Crown in 1759.19 Namely, Itapecerica, M’boy or Carapicuíba.20 Summerhill (Citation2010) finds a positive correlation between historical aldeamentos in São Paulo and income per capita at the end of the twentieth century; he argues that these aldeamentos were not purely extractive institutions, but could allow for permanent settlements conducive to development. Legally set property rights in aldeamentos could be a complementary explanation.21 See also the biographical sketch by Luz and Gouvêa (Citation2021) and references therein.22 Quoted also by Luz and Gouvêa (Citation2021, 130).23 The edition of 12 July 1828 of O Farol Paulistano (3–4) has an almost caricatural discussion about the German colony, which shows how high the feelings were running about the new settlement. An article authored under the pseudonym ‘A Patriot’ first traced parallels between the mutiny in Rio de Janeiro and the fact that some Germans in Santo Amaro had allegedly received guns and training as security forces for the colony, before he proceeded to strongly criticize the colonization plans and costs. In a reply to similar rumors, the ‘Director of the Colony’ then remarked that three old Germans had gone to the city of São Paulo armed with guns only for their self-protection while receiving payments, and that the alleged military drums heard at the colony were nothing but an ‘old drum’ used for mundane signals, such as starting and ending the working day.24 This probably explains the German families living in the villages of Itanhaém and Cubatão in the late 1820s.25 Namely, to the counties of Constituição (currently Piracicaba), Itú, and Porto Feliz.26 Besides his active participation in the political debates described, Nicolau Vergueiro also coordinated a project of roadway construction in Cubatão, which was approved by his own son-in-law (O Paulista Official, 27 October 1838, 1–2; 2 January 1839, 1–4). In 1839, his son José Vergueiro probably commanded the police force that suppressed a strike of German labourers employed in roadway construction in that region (Grandi Citation2021; Sommer Citation1950b).27 See also Kupfer et al. (Citation2016). Major Bloem followed the practice of hiring compatriots to the Royal Ironworks in the same way as its first director, the Swede Carl Gustav Hedberg, had recruited Swedish workers for the instalment of the plant (Vergueiro Citation1822, 14–17).28 Daily remunerations included (1) a fixed value of 0.500 mil-réis; (2) a varying parcel of 0.160 mil-réis when specialized crafts were demanded; and (3) food rations between 0.135 and 0.160 mil-réis. Notice that Major Bloem negotiated the varying parcel (2) with immigrants in Europe, but had no official mandate for that (A Phenix 2 January 1839, 1–4; 21 August 1839, 1–2; 27 April 1839, 2–3).29 References to that strike are innumerous and include both contemporary commentators and academic work. Particularly important are the accounts of Davatz himself ([Citation1858] Citation1941) and of the Swiss plenipotentiary minister Johann Jakob von Tschudi ([Citation1866] Citation1953). Heflinger Jr. (Citation2007, Citation2009, Citation2012) re-sparked studies about the strike by combining archival research in Brazil, Germany, Portugal, and Switzerland.30 In the year preceding the strike, Davatz ([Citation1858] Citation1941, 156–58, 212) even envisaged the creation of a rural settlement in São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul. He also happily mentioned that few strikers had become landowners in the official settlement of Mucuri, in the province of Minas Gerais, completely unaware about the living conditions there. Similarly, in 1862 a group of Swiss families facing difficulties in other plantations was transferred to a new settlement founded in the county of Cananeia (Heflinger Jr. Citation2012, 26–27).31 Quoted also by Andrews (Citation1988, 494).32 For a thorough historiographical review and new historical evidence on landownership among immigrant communities in São Paulo, see Lanza (Citation2021a).33 In the wake of conflicts that culminated in the Paraguayan War, the Brazilian government also founded military colonies in 1858 in the villages of Avanhandava and Itapura, almost 500 and 700 km, respectively, from the city of São Paulo. These were rural colonies created primordially for military purposes. The majority of settlers were black navy men and their families, as well as slaves, some brought in from the Royal Ironworks of St. John, Ipanema. The Brazilian Empire founded 27 military colonies in 1840–82 (Freitas and Silva Citation2018). For a discussion of the military purposes of rural settlements – even of the first German colonies – see Mügge (Citation2022).34 Further, the Geographical Review published contemporary accounts on the human geography of Brazilian agriculture. James (Citation1932) and Platt (Citation1935) comment on the physical structure of farms and plantations in São Paulo, comparing estates in new agricultural frontiers to regions of old settlement from the mid-nineteenth century. See also James (Citation1940) and Waibel (Citation1950) for the role of immigration in the colonies of Southern Brazil.35 By the early 1900s, São Paulo’s Department of Agriculture paid a bonus of 10,000 mil-réis for each group of 50 families that landowners settled in private colonies (Holloway Citation1980, 127). It is remarkable that Velloso de Oliveira (Citation1873 [Citation1814], 106–07) had made a very similar proposal almost a century earlier, i.e. to concede monetary prizes and nobiliarchic titles for landowners promoting settlements within their estates.36 The founding decree of Nova Odessa colony in 1905 (Secretaria da Agricultura, Commercio e Obras Publicas Citation1905.) explicitly authorized immigrants to look for employment in plots maintained by the government in that settlement and as coffee pickers in nearby plantations during their first year in the colony. The settlement’s director was responsible to arrange the latter and immigrants were granted free railroad transportation for that purpose (article 18). This twentieth-century mixture of smallholding with public works and employment on plantations in São Paulo is remarkably similar to the findings of Ferreira (Citation2019, 183–86) for nineteenth-century settlers in the province of Santa Catarina.37 These disparities in variables collected by the source are particularly prominent when comparing the 1898–1900 to the 1911–20 issues of the Yearbooks.38 See also Figure A1, in the online appendix.39 See Figure A2, in the online appendix.40 The decrees founding Nova Veneza (Assemblea Legislativa do Estado de Sao Paolo Citation1910) and Nova Europa (Secretaria da Agricultura, Commercio o Obras Publicas Citation1907) inform that these settlements were open to ‘colonists of any nationality’; for practical purposes, they distinguished ‘colonists recently arrived’ from those ‘already residing in Brazil’. Implicitly, this implies that plots of land were reserved for foreigners, but the law is ambiguous enough to allow for the settlement of Brazilians as well.41 See also Figure A4, in the online appendix, which plots the series by nationalities averaged over settlements.42 The large number of Russian and, to some extent, Polish immigrants can be explained by specific migratory waves, such as that of the Nova Odessa colony, officially founded to settle ‘exclusively Russian immigrants’ of a particular type: ‘family-based farmers’ (free translation for ‘[…] immigrantes russos, agricultores e constituidos em familias’ [sic]).43 I averaged Leeuwen and Leeuwen-Li’s (Citation2004) data over 1890–1920; for Lee and Lee (Citation2016), I used the data set in www.barrolee.com (last accessed 22 September 2022), which measures school attainment of people aged 15–64, thus lowering the figures due to higher illiteracy among older cohorts.44 See also Figures A5 and A6, in the online appendix.45 Bandeirantes colony behaves similarly to Monção. However, two observations show a very low and a very high share of non-Catholics, both associated with high literacy rates (which, curiously, are nonetheless above and below the regression line, respectively), giving it a suggestive quadratic shape.46 Notwithstanding, while Nova Europa outperformed the expected literacy rate for its comparatively low share of non-Catholics, Nova Odessa is slightly below the fitted line.47 From the rich literature on the history of primary education in Brazil, see Kreutz (Citation2007) for the role played by immigrants. For an approach in economic history and an exhaustive review of local initiatives for the provision of primary schooling, not limited to immigrants, see Colistete (Citation2016, chapter 4).48 The maximum share of 99.38% craftsmen is due to Bom Sucesso colony in 1898, where all workers were listed as Brazilian craftsmen, except for one official employee. The second highest share of craftsmen is 17.31% (Gavião Peixoto & Seção Nova Pauliceia, 1911).49 Results are nonetheless similar to those of Rocha, Ferraz, and Soares (Citation2017, 115), who estimate a per capita value of total production (agricultural, animal, and extractive), averaged over 1915–20, of 225 mil-réis.50 There are no disaggregated demographic data for Bom Sucesso, Piagui, Sabaúna, and São Bernardo colonies to compute the working age population, but they do have data on total population for the computation of per capita figures (available upon request). Because these colonies had all been emancipated by 1901 at the latest, they do not influence the conclusions that follow.51 Medians were at 179.940 mil-réis and 185.969 mil-réis in nominal and real terms, respectively.52 (232.940/1.196) mil-réis. Wage data from Zamberlan Pereira (Citation2020, table A4).53 Figure A7, in the online appendix, suggests three patterns across settlements: (1) generally sustained growth in agricultural productivity, even if at different rates (Conde de Parnaíba, Monção, Nova Europa, Nova Odessa, Nova Veneza, and Visconde de Indaiatuba); (2) positive growth that nonetheless approached stagnation (Bandeirantes and Pariquerá-Açú); and (3) high volatility intermingling substantial growth with phases of substantial decline in productivity (Gavião Peixoto & Seção Nova Pauliceia, Jorge Tibiriçá, and Martinho Padro Jr.)54 I therefore disagree on this particular point with Holloway’s (Citation1980, 138) conclusion that work under colonato in a plantation was ‘often preferable’ to low-productivity agriculture in settlement colonies.55 In 1918, official rural settlements corresponded to less than 1% of the total private land and ca. 1.4% of the cultivated land of the state of São Paulo (Holloway Citation1980, 137).Additional informationFundingThis paper is based on Chapter 1 of my PhD thesis, written under auspices of the Research Training Group 1723 - “Globalization & Development”, funded by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft). Further research has been funded by the DAAD-PRIME Fellowship from the German Academic Exchange Service (Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst).","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Like the swing of the pendulum: The history of government-sponsored rural settlements in São Paulo, Brazil (1820s–1920s)\",\"authors\":\"Bruno Gabriel Witzel de Souza\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/20780389.2023.2243035\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTThis paper studies the history of government-sponsored rural settlements in the province/state of São Paulo, Brazil, as a pendular movement, whose points of reversion depended on the interests of a landowning elite to obtain labour for newly expanding plantations from the 1820s to the 1920s. Faltering infrastructure and ill-defined property rights over public lands were persistent constraints to the development of such rural settlements. Part of this failure can be attributed to a lack of State capacity and part to the opposition of plantation owners to the settling of independent smallholdings. The paper complements this historical-institutional analysis with a quantitative description of such settlements in 1898–1920. These late government-sponsored rural settlements showed the potential to grow in demographic and economic terms and had an overall demographic and occupational composition well aligned with the goal of creating a family-based peasantry. However, there were enormous heterogeneities in ethno-linguistic composition, educational attainment, and economic prosperity between and within such rural settlements, which point to idiosyncratic features that should be taken into account in future research assessing the short- and long-run effects of immigration and settlement policies in Brazil.KEYWORDS: Rural settlement (Núcleo colonialColônia)plantationcoffeeimmigrationBrazil AcknowledgmentsI thank Stephan Klasen (in memoriam), Erika Anderson, Renato Colistete, André Lanza, José Meléndez, Miqueias Mügge, and William Summerhill for discussing various aspects of this paper. Maria Lúcia Lamounier gave me a much required intellectual incentive to keep working on it. I also benefited from comments received at the XVIII World Economic History Congress and the 3rd German Social and Economic History Congress. Comments by three anonymous referees and Editor Alfonso Herranz-Loncán greatly improved the original manuscript. The usual disclaimers apply and the author is solely responsible for the content of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.DisclaimerThe first draft of this paper was completed during a postdoctoral research period at the Institute for Economic & Social History at the University of Göttingen.Correction StatementThis article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.Notes1 European immigrants were generally the focus of such settlement policies, partly but not exclusively due to the racist intent of ‘whitening’ Brazil. Nonetheless, as early as the 1810s, Magistrate Antonio Rodrigues Velloso de Oliveira, born in São Paulo, envisaged resettling free Brazilians in sparsely populated regions (Velloso de Oliveira Citation1868 [Citation1810], 35–36, 74–75, 87–88; Citation1873 [Citation1814], 112–13). Plans to conquer and settle the indigenous population within the Brazilian territory were also frequent at the time, as discussed by Mügge (Citation2022), and prevalent in Velloso de Oliveira’s proposals, as well.2 The same proponent of reforms mentioned in footnote 1 was careful enough to argue against any change in property rights over royal land grants conceded during the colonial era. Settlement policies were to be based exclusively on land-rental reforms, not on changes in property (Velloso de Oliveira Citation1873 [Citation1814], 99–100).3 See, for instance, the heated contemporaneous debates about the successes and failures of the first German colony in Santo Amaro in Diário de S. Paulo (18 October 1865, 2) and Correio Paulistano (26 March 1866, 2).4 Studies about rural settlements and their impacts on Brazilian long-run development are part of a larger literature assessing the effects of mass immigration to the Americas. For Latin America, see the review by Sánchez-Alonso (Citation2019, 24–27).5 Carvalho Filho and Monasterio (Citation2012) also find positive correlations between historical settlements and current developmental indicators in the state of Rio Grande do Sul; although not denying the importance of human capital, that paper stresses the positive role of reduced inequalities in landownership.6 Online repository of the Brazilian National Library: www.bndigital.bn.gov.br (last accessed on 19 May 2022).7 Pérez Meléndez (Citation2023a) also adopts a nation-wide coverage and inserts the Brazilian case in a global context. Unfortunately, I learned about that forthcoming book only after completing the final review of this paper.8 An exhaustive review of these case studies goes beyond the scope of this paper. I nonetheless highlight the works of Zenha (Citation1950) and Siriani (Citation2003) for the first German colonies, as well as Langenbuch (Citation1971) for colonies founded around the city of São Paulo in the 1870s.9 Free translation for Annuario Estatístico do Estado de São Paulo.10 On the archives of Langsdorff, see Bennigsen (Citation1954) and Schnaiderman (Citation1966).11 See also opinions published in O Farol Paulistano (26 March 1828, 2–4).12 The historiography on German immigration to Southern Brazil is amongst the most vast and comprehensive of any migratory wave to the country. An excellent summary is Dreher (Citation2013). Attempts at exhaustive bibliographical reviews about German-speakers in Brazil, more broadly, are Seyferth (Citation2002) and Kupfer (Citation2021).13 Estrada was also wrongly spelled Entrada. Rio Negro is located in the current state of Paraná, emancipated as an independent province from São Paulo in 1853.14 Report of the president of the province published in Correio Paulistano (20 February 1855, 1).15 Migratory inflows in this period were very small. In 1827–39, São Paulo accounted for only 11.11% of gross inflows to Brazil, which, in turn, corresponded to 1.76% of gross immigration to the US. The point of this paper is therefore related not to the size of the migratory inflows but to the relevance of this period in consolidating policies that led to mass immigration. I thank an anonymous referee for discussions on this issue. TableDownload CSVDisplay Table16 For an early critique see O Farol Paulistano (26 March 1828, 2–4; 22 November 1828, 1; 25 July 1829, 3). In the edition of 15 November 1828 (1–2) there is a critique by Vergueiro himself.17 It is worth noting the number of individuals involved in the policymaking of immigration to Brazil at the time who had studied at the University of Göttingen, in Germany. These included Mello Franco, Langsdorff, Schaeffer, and Luiz Vergueiro, son of Nicolau Vergueiro (see below). While I am not suggesting that they built a common network as students – as Langsdorff ([1825/26] 1997, 14) clearly mentioned that he was going to meet Dr Mello Franco for the first time in São Paulo – their recruitment of immigrants in the German States and the connections they might have had in Bremen and Hamburg were likely linked to their youth spent in the northern German States. See, in that regard, Begliomini (Citationn.d.), Bennigsen Citation1954, Castro (Citationn.d., 25), Karastojanov (Citation1998, footnote 388), Schnaiderman (Citation1966), and Sommer (Citation1950a, Citation1950b). For a history of ideas on settlement colonies in Brazil and their interconnections to German cameralism and the University of Göttingen, see Pérez Meléndez (Citation2023b).18 Aldeamentos were settlements founded by religious orders since the sixteenth century to convert and control indigenous populations. The policy of forced settlements continued deep into the nineteenth century, i.e. long after the ban on Jesuits and the confiscation of their property by the Portuguese Crown in 1759.19 Namely, Itapecerica, M’boy or Carapicuíba.20 Summerhill (Citation2010) finds a positive correlation between historical aldeamentos in São Paulo and income per capita at the end of the twentieth century; he argues that these aldeamentos were not purely extractive institutions, but could allow for permanent settlements conducive to development. Legally set property rights in aldeamentos could be a complementary explanation.21 See also the biographical sketch by Luz and Gouvêa (Citation2021) and references therein.22 Quoted also by Luz and Gouvêa (Citation2021, 130).23 The edition of 12 July 1828 of O Farol Paulistano (3–4) has an almost caricatural discussion about the German colony, which shows how high the feelings were running about the new settlement. An article authored under the pseudonym ‘A Patriot’ first traced parallels between the mutiny in Rio de Janeiro and the fact that some Germans in Santo Amaro had allegedly received guns and training as security forces for the colony, before he proceeded to strongly criticize the colonization plans and costs. In a reply to similar rumors, the ‘Director of the Colony’ then remarked that three old Germans had gone to the city of São Paulo armed with guns only for their self-protection while receiving payments, and that the alleged military drums heard at the colony were nothing but an ‘old drum’ used for mundane signals, such as starting and ending the working day.24 This probably explains the German families living in the villages of Itanhaém and Cubatão in the late 1820s.25 Namely, to the counties of Constituição (currently Piracicaba), Itú, and Porto Feliz.26 Besides his active participation in the political debates described, Nicolau Vergueiro also coordinated a project of roadway construction in Cubatão, which was approved by his own son-in-law (O Paulista Official, 27 October 1838, 1–2; 2 January 1839, 1–4). In 1839, his son José Vergueiro probably commanded the police force that suppressed a strike of German labourers employed in roadway construction in that region (Grandi Citation2021; Sommer Citation1950b).27 See also Kupfer et al. (Citation2016). Major Bloem followed the practice of hiring compatriots to the Royal Ironworks in the same way as its first director, the Swede Carl Gustav Hedberg, had recruited Swedish workers for the instalment of the plant (Vergueiro Citation1822, 14–17).28 Daily remunerations included (1) a fixed value of 0.500 mil-réis; (2) a varying parcel of 0.160 mil-réis when specialized crafts were demanded; and (3) food rations between 0.135 and 0.160 mil-réis. Notice that Major Bloem negotiated the varying parcel (2) with immigrants in Europe, but had no official mandate for that (A Phenix 2 January 1839, 1–4; 21 August 1839, 1–2; 27 April 1839, 2–3).29 References to that strike are innumerous and include both contemporary commentators and academic work. Particularly important are the accounts of Davatz himself ([Citation1858] Citation1941) and of the Swiss plenipotentiary minister Johann Jakob von Tschudi ([Citation1866] Citation1953). Heflinger Jr. (Citation2007, Citation2009, Citation2012) re-sparked studies about the strike by combining archival research in Brazil, Germany, Portugal, and Switzerland.30 In the year preceding the strike, Davatz ([Citation1858] Citation1941, 156–58, 212) even envisaged the creation of a rural settlement in São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul. He also happily mentioned that few strikers had become landowners in the official settlement of Mucuri, in the province of Minas Gerais, completely unaware about the living conditions there. Similarly, in 1862 a group of Swiss families facing difficulties in other plantations was transferred to a new settlement founded in the county of Cananeia (Heflinger Jr. Citation2012, 26–27).31 Quoted also by Andrews (Citation1988, 494).32 For a thorough historiographical review and new historical evidence on landownership among immigrant communities in São Paulo, see Lanza (Citation2021a).33 In the wake of conflicts that culminated in the Paraguayan War, the Brazilian government also founded military colonies in 1858 in the villages of Avanhandava and Itapura, almost 500 and 700 km, respectively, from the city of São Paulo. These were rural colonies created primordially for military purposes. The majority of settlers were black navy men and their families, as well as slaves, some brought in from the Royal Ironworks of St. John, Ipanema. The Brazilian Empire founded 27 military colonies in 1840–82 (Freitas and Silva Citation2018). For a discussion of the military purposes of rural settlements – even of the first German colonies – see Mügge (Citation2022).34 Further, the Geographical Review published contemporary accounts on the human geography of Brazilian agriculture. James (Citation1932) and Platt (Citation1935) comment on the physical structure of farms and plantations in São Paulo, comparing estates in new agricultural frontiers to regions of old settlement from the mid-nineteenth century. See also James (Citation1940) and Waibel (Citation1950) for the role of immigration in the colonies of Southern Brazil.35 By the early 1900s, São Paulo’s Department of Agriculture paid a bonus of 10,000 mil-réis for each group of 50 families that landowners settled in private colonies (Holloway Citation1980, 127). It is remarkable that Velloso de Oliveira (Citation1873 [Citation1814], 106–07) had made a very similar proposal almost a century earlier, i.e. to concede monetary prizes and nobiliarchic titles for landowners promoting settlements within their estates.36 The founding decree of Nova Odessa colony in 1905 (Secretaria da Agricultura, Commercio e Obras Publicas Citation1905.) explicitly authorized immigrants to look for employment in plots maintained by the government in that settlement and as coffee pickers in nearby plantations during their first year in the colony. The settlement’s director was responsible to arrange the latter and immigrants were granted free railroad transportation for that purpose (article 18). This twentieth-century mixture of smallholding with public works and employment on plantations in São Paulo is remarkably similar to the findings of Ferreira (Citation2019, 183–86) for nineteenth-century settlers in the province of Santa Catarina.37 These disparities in variables collected by the source are particularly prominent when comparing the 1898–1900 to the 1911–20 issues of the Yearbooks.38 See also Figure A1, in the online appendix.39 See Figure A2, in the online appendix.40 The decrees founding Nova Veneza (Assemblea Legislativa do Estado de Sao Paolo Citation1910) and Nova Europa (Secretaria da Agricultura, Commercio o Obras Publicas Citation1907) inform that these settlements were open to ‘colonists of any nationality’; for practical purposes, they distinguished ‘colonists recently arrived’ from those ‘already residing in Brazil’. Implicitly, this implies that plots of land were reserved for foreigners, but the law is ambiguous enough to allow for the settlement of Brazilians as well.41 See also Figure A4, in the online appendix, which plots the series by nationalities averaged over settlements.42 The large number of Russian and, to some extent, Polish immigrants can be explained by specific migratory waves, such as that of the Nova Odessa colony, officially founded to settle ‘exclusively Russian immigrants’ of a particular type: ‘family-based farmers’ (free translation for ‘[…] immigrantes russos, agricultores e constituidos em familias’ [sic]).43 I averaged Leeuwen and Leeuwen-Li’s (Citation2004) data over 1890–1920; for Lee and Lee (Citation2016), I used the data set in www.barrolee.com (last accessed 22 September 2022), which measures school attainment of people aged 15–64, thus lowering the figures due to higher illiteracy among older cohorts.44 See also Figures A5 and A6, in the online appendix.45 Bandeirantes colony behaves similarly to Monção. However, two observations show a very low and a very high share of non-Catholics, both associated with high literacy rates (which, curiously, are nonetheless above and below the regression line, respectively), giving it a suggestive quadratic shape.46 Notwithstanding, while Nova Europa outperformed the expected literacy rate for its comparatively low share of non-Catholics, Nova Odessa is slightly below the fitted line.47 From the rich literature on the history of primary education in Brazil, see Kreutz (Citation2007) for the role played by immigrants. For an approach in economic history and an exhaustive review of local initiatives for the provision of primary schooling, not limited to immigrants, see Colistete (Citation2016, chapter 4).48 The maximum share of 99.38% craftsmen is due to Bom Sucesso colony in 1898, where all workers were listed as Brazilian craftsmen, except for one official employee. The second highest share of craftsmen is 17.31% (Gavião Peixoto & Seção Nova Pauliceia, 1911).49 Results are nonetheless similar to those of Rocha, Ferraz, and Soares (Citation2017, 115), who estimate a per capita value of total production (agricultural, animal, and extractive), averaged over 1915–20, of 225 mil-réis.50 There are no disaggregated demographic data for Bom Sucesso, Piagui, Sabaúna, and São Bernardo colonies to compute the working age population, but they do have data on total population for the computation of per capita figures (available upon request). Because these colonies had all been emancipated by 1901 at the latest, they do not influence the conclusions that follow.51 Medians were at 179.940 mil-réis and 185.969 mil-réis in nominal and real terms, respectively.52 (232.940/1.196) mil-réis. Wage data from Zamberlan Pereira (Citation2020, table A4).53 Figure A7, in the online appendix, suggests three patterns across settlements: (1) generally sustained growth in agricultural productivity, even if at different rates (Conde de Parnaíba, Monção, Nova Europa, Nova Odessa, Nova Veneza, and Visconde de Indaiatuba); (2) positive growth that nonetheless approached stagnation (Bandeirantes and Pariquerá-Açú); and (3) high volatility intermingling substantial growth with phases of substantial decline in productivity (Gavião Peixoto & Seção Nova Pauliceia, Jorge Tibiriçá, and Martinho Padro Jr.)54 I therefore disagree on this particular point with Holloway’s (Citation1980, 138) conclusion that work under colonato in a plantation was ‘often preferable’ to low-productivity agriculture in settlement colonies.55 In 1918, official rural settlements corresponded to less than 1% of the total private land and ca. 1.4% of the cultivated land of the state of São Paulo (Holloway Citation1980, 137).Additional informationFundingThis paper is based on Chapter 1 of my PhD thesis, written under auspices of the Research Training Group 1723 - “Globalization & Development”, funded by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft). 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引用次数: 0
摘要
摘要本文研究了巴西<s:1>圣保罗州政府资助的农村定居点的历史,这是一场摇摆不定的运动,从19世纪20年代到20世纪20年代,它的回归点取决于土地所有者精英为新扩张的种植园获得劳动力的利益。落后的基础设施和不明确的公共土地产权一直制约着农村定居点的发展。这种失败的部分原因是国家能力不足,部分原因是种植园主反对建立独立的小农场。本文对1898-1920年间的定居点进行了定量描述,以补充这一历史制度分析。这些后期由政府资助的农村定居点在人口和经济方面显示出增长的潜力,其总体人口和职业构成与建立以家庭为基础的农民的目标完全一致。然而,在这些农村定居点之间和内部的种族语言构成、教育程度和经济繁荣方面存在巨大的异质性,这表明在未来评估巴西移民和定居点政策的短期和长期影响的研究中应考虑到的特殊特征。感谢Stephan Klasen (in memorialen)、Erika Anderson、Renato Colistete、andr<s:1> Lanza、jos<s:1> melsamudez、miquias m<e:1> gge和William Summerhill对本文各个方面的讨论。Maria Lúcia Lamounier给了我一个非常必要的智力激励,让我继续努力。我也从第十八届世界经济史大会和第三届德国社会经济史大会上收到的评论中受益。三位匿名审稿人和编辑Alfonso Herranz-Loncán的评论大大改进了原稿。通常免责声明适用,作者对本文的内容全权负责。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。本文初稿是在Göttingen大学经济与社会历史研究所博士后期间完成的。这篇文章经过了细微的修改。这些变化不影响文章的学术内容。注1:欧洲移民通常是此类定居政策的焦点,部分原因是(但并非完全是)“漂白”巴西的种族主义意图。尽管如此,早在19世纪10年代,出生在<e:1>圣保罗的地方法官Antonio Rodrigues Velloso de Oliveira就设想在人口稀少的地区重新安置自由的巴西人(Velloso de Oliveira Citation1868 [Citation1810], 35 - 36,74 - 75,87 - 88;引用本文:Citation1873 [Citation1814], 112-13正如m<s:1> gge (Citation2022)所讨论的那样,当时在巴西领土内征服和定居土著人口的计划也很频繁,并且在Velloso de Oliveira的提案中也很普遍脚注1中提到的那位改革的支持者非常谨慎,他反对在殖民时期对皇家土地授予的产权进行任何改变。定居政策将完全以土地租赁改革为基础,而不是以财产变化为基础(Velloso de Oliveira Citation1873 [Citation1814], 99-100)例如,在《Diário de S. Paulo》(1865年10月18日,第2期)和《Correio Paulistano》(1866年3月26日,第2期)中,关于第一个德国殖民地在圣阿马洛的成功与失败的激烈辩论关于农村定居点及其对巴西长期发展影响的研究是评估大规模移民对美洲影响的更大文献的一部分。拉丁美洲参见Sánchez-Alonso (Citation2019, 24-27)Carvalho Filho和Monasterio (Citation2012)还发现,在巴西南格兰德州,历史定居点与当前发展指标之间存在正相关关系;这篇论文虽然没有否认人力资本的重要性,但强调了减少土地所有权不平等的积极作用巴西国家图书馆在线资源库:www.bndigital.bn.gov.br(最后一次访问是在2022年5月19日)psamurez melsamudez (Citation2023a)也采用了全国范围的报道,并将巴西的案例纳入全球背景。不幸的是,我是在完成对这篇论文的最后审查之后才知道那本即将出版的书的对这些案例研究的详尽回顾超出了本文的范围。尽管如此,我还是要重点介绍Zenha (Citation1950)和Siriani (Citation2003)关于第一批德国殖民地的作品,以及Langenbuch (Citation1971)关于19世纪70年代在<s:1>圣保罗市周围建立的殖民地的作品免费翻译的Annuario Estatístico do Estado de s<e:1>圣保罗。 关于Langsdorff的档案,见Bennigsen (Citation1954)和Schnaiderman (Citation1966)另见《O Farol Paulistano》发表的意见(1828年3月26日第2-4期)关于德国移民到巴西南部的史学是该国任何移民浪潮中最广泛和全面的。德雷尔(Citation2013)是一个很好的总结。更广泛地说,Seyferth (Citation2002)和Kupfer (Citation2021)尝试对巴西讲德语的人进行详尽的参考文献综述埃斯特拉达也被错误地拼写为Entrada。里约热内卢Negro位于目前的帕拉纳州,1853年从<s:1>圣保罗解放出来,成为一个独立的省份。(1855年2月20日,1)这一时期的移民流入非常少。1827年至1839年,圣保罗仅占巴西总流入人口的11.11%,而巴西总流入人口占美国总移民的1.76%。因此,本文的重点与移民流入的规模无关,而是与这一时期在巩固导致大规模移民的政策方面的相关性有关。我感谢一位匿名推荐人对这个问题的讨论。早期评论见O Farol Paulistano(1828年3月26日,2-4;1828年11月22日,1;在1828年11月15日的版本(1-2)中,韦尔盖罗本人发表了一篇评论值得注意的是,当时参与巴西移民政策制定的个人中,有许多人曾在德国Göttingen大学学习。这些人包括梅洛·佛朗哥、朗斯多夫、谢弗和尼古拉斯·韦尔盖罗的儿子路易斯·韦尔盖罗(见下文)。虽然我并不是说他们作为学生建立了一个共同的网络——正如Langsdorff([1825/26] 1997, 14)明确提到他将在<s:1>圣保罗第一次见到Mello Franco博士——他们在德国各州招募移民,以及他们在不来梅和汉堡可能拥有的联系,很可能与他们在德国北部各州度过的青年时代有关。在这方面,请参阅Begliomini (Citationn.d), Bennigsen Citation1954, Castro (Citationn.d)。, 25), Karastojanov (Citation1998, footnote 388), Schnaiderman (Citation1966)和Sommer (Citation1950a, Citation1950b)。关于巴西移民殖民地的思想史及其与德国摄影主义和Göttingen大学的相互联系,见psamezmelsamendez (Citation2023b).18Aldeamentos是自16世纪以来由宗教团体建立的定居点,目的是改变和控制土著人口。强迫定居的政策一直持续到19世纪,即在1759年葡萄牙王室禁止耶稣会士并没收他们的财产之后很长时间,即Itapecerica, M 'boy或Carapicuíba.20Summerhill (Citation2010)发现,20世纪末,圣保罗的历史房价与人均收入之间存在正相关关系;他认为,这些aldeamentos不是纯粹的采掘机构,而是可以允许有利于发展的永久定居点。法律规定的财产权利可以作为补充解释参见Luz和Gouvêa (Citation2021)的传记草图和其中的参考文献也被Luz和Gouvêa引用(Citation2021, 130).231828年7月12日版的《O Farol Paulistano》(3-4)对德国殖民地进行了近乎讽刺的讨论,这表明人们对新殖民地的情绪是多么高涨。一篇以“爱国者”(A Patriot)笔名撰写的文章首先将巴西里约热内卢的兵变与一些在圣阿马洛的德国人据称作为殖民地安全部队接受了枪支和训练这一事实联系起来,然后他开始强烈批评殖民计划和成本。在对类似谣言的回应中,“殖民地长官”接着说,三个德国老人在接受报酬时带着枪支去了<s:1>圣保罗市,只是为了自卫,而在殖民地听到的所谓军鼓只不过是用来表示日常信号的“旧鼓”,比如开始和结束一天的工作这也许可以解释19世纪20年代末居住在itanhasamim和cubat<e:1>村的德国家庭即前往宪法<s:1> <s:1>县(现皮拉西卡巴)、Itú和费利兹港县。26除了积极参与上述政治辩论外,尼科劳·韦尔古埃罗还协调了一项在古巴特<e:1>修建公路的项目,该项目得到了他自己的女婿的批准(O Paulista Official, 1838年10月27日,1-2;1839年1月2日,1-4页。1839年,他的儿子约瑟·维尔盖罗可能指挥警察镇压了该地区从事道路建设的德国工人的罢工(Grandi Citation2021;大梁Citation1950b) 10参见Kupfer et al. (Citation2016)。 41另见在线附录中的图A4,该图按国籍在定居点上的平均值绘制了序列大量的俄罗斯移民,在某种程度上,波兰移民可以用特定的移民浪潮来解释,比如新敖德萨殖民地,正式成立的目的是安置“专门的俄罗斯移民”的一种特殊类型:“以家庭为基础的农民”(意译为“[…]migrantes russos, agricultores e constituidos em familias”)我对Leeuwen和Leeuwen- li (Citation2004)在1890-1920年间的数据进行了平均;对于Lee和Lee (Citation2016),我使用了www.barrolee.com(最后一次访问是2022年9月22日)中的数据集,该数据衡量的是15-64岁人群的受教育程度,从而降低了由于老年人群中文盲率较高的数字参见在线附录中的图A5和图A6Bandeirantes蚁群的行为与mon<s:1> <e:1>蚁群相似。然而,两项观察显示,非天主教徒的比例非常低和非常高,两者都与高识字率有关(奇怪的是,识字率分别在回归线的上方和下方),这给了它一个暗示性的二次曲线尽管如此,虽然新欧罗巴的非天主教徒比例相对较低,但其识字率超过了预期,但新敖德萨略低于合适的界线从丰富的文献在巴西初等教育的历史,见Kreutz (Citation2007)移民所扮演的角色。关于经济史上的方法和对当地提供小学教育的举措的详尽审查,不限于移民,见Colistete (Citation2016, chapter 4)99.38%的最大比例是由于1898年的Bom successo殖民地,那里所有的工人都被列为巴西工匠,除了一名官方雇员。第二高的工匠比例为17.31% (gavi<e:1> o Peixoto & secar<s:1> o Nova Pauliceia, 1911)尽管如此,结果与Rocha, Ferraz和Soares (Citation2017, 115)的研究结果相似,他们估计在1915-20年间,人均总产值(农业、动物和采矿业)平均为22.5亿元没有波恩成功、皮亚圭、Sabaúna和<e:1> o Bernardo殖民地的分类人口统计数据来计算工作年龄人口,但他们确实有总人口的数据来计算人均数字(可根据要求提供)。51 .因为这些殖民地最迟在1901年已经全部解放,所以它们并不影响后面的结论按名义和实际值计算,中位数分别为179.940和185.969亿元(232.940/1.196) mil-reis。53 . Zamberlan Pereira的工资数据(Citation2020,表A4)在线附录中的图A7显示了定居点之间的三种模式:(1)农业生产率总体上持续增长,即使增长率不同(Conde de Parnaíba、mon<e:1> o、Nova Europa、Nova Odessa、Nova Veneza和Visconde de Indaiatuba);(2)接近停滞的正增长(Bandeirantes和Pariquerá-Açú);(3)高波动性,将大幅增长与生产率大幅下降的阶段混合在一起(gavi<e:1> o Peixoto & se<s:1> <e:1> o Nova Pauliceia, Jorge tibiri<e:1> <e:1>和Martinho Padro Jr.)54因此,我不同意Holloway (Citation1980, 138)的结论,即在殖民地的殖民统治下工作“通常更适合”于低生产率的农业。551918年,官方农村定居点占<s:1>圣保罗州私有土地总数的不到1%,占耕地总数的约1.4% (Holloway citation1980,137)。本文基于我博士论文的第一章,由德国研究基金会(Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft)资助的研究培训小组1723 -“全球化与发展”主持撰写。进一步的研究由德国学术交流中心(Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst)的DAAD-PRIME奖学金资助。
Like the swing of the pendulum: The history of government-sponsored rural settlements in São Paulo, Brazil (1820s–1920s)
ABSTRACTThis paper studies the history of government-sponsored rural settlements in the province/state of São Paulo, Brazil, as a pendular movement, whose points of reversion depended on the interests of a landowning elite to obtain labour for newly expanding plantations from the 1820s to the 1920s. Faltering infrastructure and ill-defined property rights over public lands were persistent constraints to the development of such rural settlements. Part of this failure can be attributed to a lack of State capacity and part to the opposition of plantation owners to the settling of independent smallholdings. The paper complements this historical-institutional analysis with a quantitative description of such settlements in 1898–1920. These late government-sponsored rural settlements showed the potential to grow in demographic and economic terms and had an overall demographic and occupational composition well aligned with the goal of creating a family-based peasantry. However, there were enormous heterogeneities in ethno-linguistic composition, educational attainment, and economic prosperity between and within such rural settlements, which point to idiosyncratic features that should be taken into account in future research assessing the short- and long-run effects of immigration and settlement policies in Brazil.KEYWORDS: Rural settlement (Núcleo colonialColônia)plantationcoffeeimmigrationBrazil AcknowledgmentsI thank Stephan Klasen (in memoriam), Erika Anderson, Renato Colistete, André Lanza, José Meléndez, Miqueias Mügge, and William Summerhill for discussing various aspects of this paper. Maria Lúcia Lamounier gave me a much required intellectual incentive to keep working on it. I also benefited from comments received at the XVIII World Economic History Congress and the 3rd German Social and Economic History Congress. Comments by three anonymous referees and Editor Alfonso Herranz-Loncán greatly improved the original manuscript. The usual disclaimers apply and the author is solely responsible for the content of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.DisclaimerThe first draft of this paper was completed during a postdoctoral research period at the Institute for Economic & Social History at the University of Göttingen.Correction StatementThis article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.Notes1 European immigrants were generally the focus of such settlement policies, partly but not exclusively due to the racist intent of ‘whitening’ Brazil. Nonetheless, as early as the 1810s, Magistrate Antonio Rodrigues Velloso de Oliveira, born in São Paulo, envisaged resettling free Brazilians in sparsely populated regions (Velloso de Oliveira Citation1868 [Citation1810], 35–36, 74–75, 87–88; Citation1873 [Citation1814], 112–13). Plans to conquer and settle the indigenous population within the Brazilian territory were also frequent at the time, as discussed by Mügge (Citation2022), and prevalent in Velloso de Oliveira’s proposals, as well.2 The same proponent of reforms mentioned in footnote 1 was careful enough to argue against any change in property rights over royal land grants conceded during the colonial era. Settlement policies were to be based exclusively on land-rental reforms, not on changes in property (Velloso de Oliveira Citation1873 [Citation1814], 99–100).3 See, for instance, the heated contemporaneous debates about the successes and failures of the first German colony in Santo Amaro in Diário de S. Paulo (18 October 1865, 2) and Correio Paulistano (26 March 1866, 2).4 Studies about rural settlements and their impacts on Brazilian long-run development are part of a larger literature assessing the effects of mass immigration to the Americas. For Latin America, see the review by Sánchez-Alonso (Citation2019, 24–27).5 Carvalho Filho and Monasterio (Citation2012) also find positive correlations between historical settlements and current developmental indicators in the state of Rio Grande do Sul; although not denying the importance of human capital, that paper stresses the positive role of reduced inequalities in landownership.6 Online repository of the Brazilian National Library: www.bndigital.bn.gov.br (last accessed on 19 May 2022).7 Pérez Meléndez (Citation2023a) also adopts a nation-wide coverage and inserts the Brazilian case in a global context. Unfortunately, I learned about that forthcoming book only after completing the final review of this paper.8 An exhaustive review of these case studies goes beyond the scope of this paper. I nonetheless highlight the works of Zenha (Citation1950) and Siriani (Citation2003) for the first German colonies, as well as Langenbuch (Citation1971) for colonies founded around the city of São Paulo in the 1870s.9 Free translation for Annuario Estatístico do Estado de São Paulo.10 On the archives of Langsdorff, see Bennigsen (Citation1954) and Schnaiderman (Citation1966).11 See also opinions published in O Farol Paulistano (26 March 1828, 2–4).12 The historiography on German immigration to Southern Brazil is amongst the most vast and comprehensive of any migratory wave to the country. An excellent summary is Dreher (Citation2013). Attempts at exhaustive bibliographical reviews about German-speakers in Brazil, more broadly, are Seyferth (Citation2002) and Kupfer (Citation2021).13 Estrada was also wrongly spelled Entrada. Rio Negro is located in the current state of Paraná, emancipated as an independent province from São Paulo in 1853.14 Report of the president of the province published in Correio Paulistano (20 February 1855, 1).15 Migratory inflows in this period were very small. In 1827–39, São Paulo accounted for only 11.11% of gross inflows to Brazil, which, in turn, corresponded to 1.76% of gross immigration to the US. The point of this paper is therefore related not to the size of the migratory inflows but to the relevance of this period in consolidating policies that led to mass immigration. I thank an anonymous referee for discussions on this issue. TableDownload CSVDisplay Table16 For an early critique see O Farol Paulistano (26 March 1828, 2–4; 22 November 1828, 1; 25 July 1829, 3). In the edition of 15 November 1828 (1–2) there is a critique by Vergueiro himself.17 It is worth noting the number of individuals involved in the policymaking of immigration to Brazil at the time who had studied at the University of Göttingen, in Germany. These included Mello Franco, Langsdorff, Schaeffer, and Luiz Vergueiro, son of Nicolau Vergueiro (see below). While I am not suggesting that they built a common network as students – as Langsdorff ([1825/26] 1997, 14) clearly mentioned that he was going to meet Dr Mello Franco for the first time in São Paulo – their recruitment of immigrants in the German States and the connections they might have had in Bremen and Hamburg were likely linked to their youth spent in the northern German States. See, in that regard, Begliomini (Citationn.d.), Bennigsen Citation1954, Castro (Citationn.d., 25), Karastojanov (Citation1998, footnote 388), Schnaiderman (Citation1966), and Sommer (Citation1950a, Citation1950b). For a history of ideas on settlement colonies in Brazil and their interconnections to German cameralism and the University of Göttingen, see Pérez Meléndez (Citation2023b).18 Aldeamentos were settlements founded by religious orders since the sixteenth century to convert and control indigenous populations. The policy of forced settlements continued deep into the nineteenth century, i.e. long after the ban on Jesuits and the confiscation of their property by the Portuguese Crown in 1759.19 Namely, Itapecerica, M’boy or Carapicuíba.20 Summerhill (Citation2010) finds a positive correlation between historical aldeamentos in São Paulo and income per capita at the end of the twentieth century; he argues that these aldeamentos were not purely extractive institutions, but could allow for permanent settlements conducive to development. Legally set property rights in aldeamentos could be a complementary explanation.21 See also the biographical sketch by Luz and Gouvêa (Citation2021) and references therein.22 Quoted also by Luz and Gouvêa (Citation2021, 130).23 The edition of 12 July 1828 of O Farol Paulistano (3–4) has an almost caricatural discussion about the German colony, which shows how high the feelings were running about the new settlement. An article authored under the pseudonym ‘A Patriot’ first traced parallels between the mutiny in Rio de Janeiro and the fact that some Germans in Santo Amaro had allegedly received guns and training as security forces for the colony, before he proceeded to strongly criticize the colonization plans and costs. In a reply to similar rumors, the ‘Director of the Colony’ then remarked that three old Germans had gone to the city of São Paulo armed with guns only for their self-protection while receiving payments, and that the alleged military drums heard at the colony were nothing but an ‘old drum’ used for mundane signals, such as starting and ending the working day.24 This probably explains the German families living in the villages of Itanhaém and Cubatão in the late 1820s.25 Namely, to the counties of Constituição (currently Piracicaba), Itú, and Porto Feliz.26 Besides his active participation in the political debates described, Nicolau Vergueiro also coordinated a project of roadway construction in Cubatão, which was approved by his own son-in-law (O Paulista Official, 27 October 1838, 1–2; 2 January 1839, 1–4). In 1839, his son José Vergueiro probably commanded the police force that suppressed a strike of German labourers employed in roadway construction in that region (Grandi Citation2021; Sommer Citation1950b).27 See also Kupfer et al. (Citation2016). Major Bloem followed the practice of hiring compatriots to the Royal Ironworks in the same way as its first director, the Swede Carl Gustav Hedberg, had recruited Swedish workers for the instalment of the plant (Vergueiro Citation1822, 14–17).28 Daily remunerations included (1) a fixed value of 0.500 mil-réis; (2) a varying parcel of 0.160 mil-réis when specialized crafts were demanded; and (3) food rations between 0.135 and 0.160 mil-réis. Notice that Major Bloem negotiated the varying parcel (2) with immigrants in Europe, but had no official mandate for that (A Phenix 2 January 1839, 1–4; 21 August 1839, 1–2; 27 April 1839, 2–3).29 References to that strike are innumerous and include both contemporary commentators and academic work. Particularly important are the accounts of Davatz himself ([Citation1858] Citation1941) and of the Swiss plenipotentiary minister Johann Jakob von Tschudi ([Citation1866] Citation1953). Heflinger Jr. (Citation2007, Citation2009, Citation2012) re-sparked studies about the strike by combining archival research in Brazil, Germany, Portugal, and Switzerland.30 In the year preceding the strike, Davatz ([Citation1858] Citation1941, 156–58, 212) even envisaged the creation of a rural settlement in São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul. He also happily mentioned that few strikers had become landowners in the official settlement of Mucuri, in the province of Minas Gerais, completely unaware about the living conditions there. Similarly, in 1862 a group of Swiss families facing difficulties in other plantations was transferred to a new settlement founded in the county of Cananeia (Heflinger Jr. Citation2012, 26–27).31 Quoted also by Andrews (Citation1988, 494).32 For a thorough historiographical review and new historical evidence on landownership among immigrant communities in São Paulo, see Lanza (Citation2021a).33 In the wake of conflicts that culminated in the Paraguayan War, the Brazilian government also founded military colonies in 1858 in the villages of Avanhandava and Itapura, almost 500 and 700 km, respectively, from the city of São Paulo. These were rural colonies created primordially for military purposes. The majority of settlers were black navy men and their families, as well as slaves, some brought in from the Royal Ironworks of St. John, Ipanema. The Brazilian Empire founded 27 military colonies in 1840–82 (Freitas and Silva Citation2018). For a discussion of the military purposes of rural settlements – even of the first German colonies – see Mügge (Citation2022).34 Further, the Geographical Review published contemporary accounts on the human geography of Brazilian agriculture. James (Citation1932) and Platt (Citation1935) comment on the physical structure of farms and plantations in São Paulo, comparing estates in new agricultural frontiers to regions of old settlement from the mid-nineteenth century. See also James (Citation1940) and Waibel (Citation1950) for the role of immigration in the colonies of Southern Brazil.35 By the early 1900s, São Paulo’s Department of Agriculture paid a bonus of 10,000 mil-réis for each group of 50 families that landowners settled in private colonies (Holloway Citation1980, 127). It is remarkable that Velloso de Oliveira (Citation1873 [Citation1814], 106–07) had made a very similar proposal almost a century earlier, i.e. to concede monetary prizes and nobiliarchic titles for landowners promoting settlements within their estates.36 The founding decree of Nova Odessa colony in 1905 (Secretaria da Agricultura, Commercio e Obras Publicas Citation1905.) explicitly authorized immigrants to look for employment in plots maintained by the government in that settlement and as coffee pickers in nearby plantations during their first year in the colony. The settlement’s director was responsible to arrange the latter and immigrants were granted free railroad transportation for that purpose (article 18). This twentieth-century mixture of smallholding with public works and employment on plantations in São Paulo is remarkably similar to the findings of Ferreira (Citation2019, 183–86) for nineteenth-century settlers in the province of Santa Catarina.37 These disparities in variables collected by the source are particularly prominent when comparing the 1898–1900 to the 1911–20 issues of the Yearbooks.38 See also Figure A1, in the online appendix.39 See Figure A2, in the online appendix.40 The decrees founding Nova Veneza (Assemblea Legislativa do Estado de Sao Paolo Citation1910) and Nova Europa (Secretaria da Agricultura, Commercio o Obras Publicas Citation1907) inform that these settlements were open to ‘colonists of any nationality’; for practical purposes, they distinguished ‘colonists recently arrived’ from those ‘already residing in Brazil’. Implicitly, this implies that plots of land were reserved for foreigners, but the law is ambiguous enough to allow for the settlement of Brazilians as well.41 See also Figure A4, in the online appendix, which plots the series by nationalities averaged over settlements.42 The large number of Russian and, to some extent, Polish immigrants can be explained by specific migratory waves, such as that of the Nova Odessa colony, officially founded to settle ‘exclusively Russian immigrants’ of a particular type: ‘family-based farmers’ (free translation for ‘[…] immigrantes russos, agricultores e constituidos em familias’ [sic]).43 I averaged Leeuwen and Leeuwen-Li’s (Citation2004) data over 1890–1920; for Lee and Lee (Citation2016), I used the data set in www.barrolee.com (last accessed 22 September 2022), which measures school attainment of people aged 15–64, thus lowering the figures due to higher illiteracy among older cohorts.44 See also Figures A5 and A6, in the online appendix.45 Bandeirantes colony behaves similarly to Monção. However, two observations show a very low and a very high share of non-Catholics, both associated with high literacy rates (which, curiously, are nonetheless above and below the regression line, respectively), giving it a suggestive quadratic shape.46 Notwithstanding, while Nova Europa outperformed the expected literacy rate for its comparatively low share of non-Catholics, Nova Odessa is slightly below the fitted line.47 From the rich literature on the history of primary education in Brazil, see Kreutz (Citation2007) for the role played by immigrants. For an approach in economic history and an exhaustive review of local initiatives for the provision of primary schooling, not limited to immigrants, see Colistete (Citation2016, chapter 4).48 The maximum share of 99.38% craftsmen is due to Bom Sucesso colony in 1898, where all workers were listed as Brazilian craftsmen, except for one official employee. The second highest share of craftsmen is 17.31% (Gavião Peixoto & Seção Nova Pauliceia, 1911).49 Results are nonetheless similar to those of Rocha, Ferraz, and Soares (Citation2017, 115), who estimate a per capita value of total production (agricultural, animal, and extractive), averaged over 1915–20, of 225 mil-réis.50 There are no disaggregated demographic data for Bom Sucesso, Piagui, Sabaúna, and São Bernardo colonies to compute the working age population, but they do have data on total population for the computation of per capita figures (available upon request). Because these colonies had all been emancipated by 1901 at the latest, they do not influence the conclusions that follow.51 Medians were at 179.940 mil-réis and 185.969 mil-réis in nominal and real terms, respectively.52 (232.940/1.196) mil-réis. Wage data from Zamberlan Pereira (Citation2020, table A4).53 Figure A7, in the online appendix, suggests three patterns across settlements: (1) generally sustained growth in agricultural productivity, even if at different rates (Conde de Parnaíba, Monção, Nova Europa, Nova Odessa, Nova Veneza, and Visconde de Indaiatuba); (2) positive growth that nonetheless approached stagnation (Bandeirantes and Pariquerá-Açú); and (3) high volatility intermingling substantial growth with phases of substantial decline in productivity (Gavião Peixoto & Seção Nova Pauliceia, Jorge Tibiriçá, and Martinho Padro Jr.)54 I therefore disagree on this particular point with Holloway’s (Citation1980, 138) conclusion that work under colonato in a plantation was ‘often preferable’ to low-productivity agriculture in settlement colonies.55 In 1918, official rural settlements corresponded to less than 1% of the total private land and ca. 1.4% of the cultivated land of the state of São Paulo (Holloway Citation1980, 137).Additional informationFundingThis paper is based on Chapter 1 of my PhD thesis, written under auspices of the Research Training Group 1723 - “Globalization & Development”, funded by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft). Further research has been funded by the DAAD-PRIME Fellowship from the German Academic Exchange Service (Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst).