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Colonial agricultural estates and rural development in twentieth-century Mexico 二十世纪墨西哥的殖民农业庄园和农村发展
IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-01-19 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2260953
Luz Marina Arias, Diana Flores-Peregrina
This study documents that municipalities in central Mexico closer in the past to an agricultural estate (hacienda) are associated with higher literacy and lower poverty throughout the twentieth cen...
本研究记录了墨西哥中部过去与农业庄园(hacienda)距离较近的城市,在整个 20 世纪都与较高的识字率和较低的贫困率相关。
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引用次数: 0
Mild Arabica coffee trade at a time of market regulation 温和的阿拉比卡咖啡在市场调控时期进行贸易
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2254496
Andrea Montero-Mora, Marc Badia-Miró
ABSTRACTThis paper explores the dynamics of mild coffee trade during the term of the International Coffee Agreement, focusing on Costa Rica as a case study. We aimed to verify the influence of the agreement on coffee exports and understand its impact on the exports of high-quality coffee. To compare the influence of the coffee agreement on the trade performance of high-quality coffee producers with that of producers specializing in coffee of similar – or lower – quality, we also included exports of Brazilian coffee (low quality) and Colombian coffee (high quality) in the sample. We focused on analysing commodity trade agreements in the second half of the twentieth century and, simultaneously, on the drivers of coffee exports based on a gravity equation consistent with international trade models. Our findings allowed us to conclude that the International Coffee Agreement gave rise to few benefits for ‘Other Milds’ countries such as Costa Rica and greater benefits for ‘Colombian Milds’ countries such as Colombia, at least in its early versions.KEYWORDS: International Coffee Agreement (ICoA)commodities agreementscoffee marketcoffee trademarket regulationgravity equationJEL CODES: F13024Q 17Q18 AcknowledgementsAndrea Montero-Mora thanks the University of Costa Rica for the scholarship awarded between 2014 and 2018 to develop the doctoral. The authors thank the anonymous referees for their constructive contributions that significantly improved this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Following Lawless (Citation1995) and Cardello (Citation1995), we agree that quality is a multidimensional field of analysis that encompasses objective and subjective components and has a spatial and temporal framework. The concept refers to the degree of excellence of a specific product and the absence of defects covering sensory and other hidden aspects. The sensory characteristics (shape, texture, appearance, colour, and smell) are easily perceived by the senses, while the hidden ones (chemical composition) require measuring instruments and concern safety and nutrition (Shewfelt Citation1999). Quality can also be measured through other dimensions, such as the nutritional composition, the ease of preparation, the density of the product, or the reputation of the brands or origins, among other aspects (Lawless Citation1995). In addition, for each of the actors involved in the production and marketing of a product chain, quality can have different meanings or connotations. Producers usually define it in sensory and hidden information terms, while consumers provide their perception of their satisfaction, thus showing a less tangible and less quantifiable aspect (Shewfelt Citation1999; Samper Citation2002, Citation2003; Viales and Montero Citation2015).2 In specification (2) we do not consider pair interactions allowing us to introduce distance and other control variables associated with geography in the regression re
摘要本文以哥斯达黎加为例,探讨了国际咖啡协定期间淡咖啡贸易的动态。我们旨在验证该协议对咖啡出口的影响,了解其对高品质咖啡出口的影响。为了比较咖啡协议对高质量咖啡生产商与专门生产类似或较低质量咖啡的生产商的贸易绩效的影响,我们还在样本中包括了巴西咖啡(低质量)和哥伦比亚咖啡(高质量)的出口。我们重点分析了20世纪下半叶的商品贸易协定,同时,基于与国际贸易模型一致的重力方程,分析了咖啡出口的驱动因素。我们的研究结果使我们得出结论,国际咖啡协议对哥斯达黎加等“其他温和”国家的好处很少,而对哥伦比亚等“哥伦比亚温和”国家的好处更大,至少在其早期版本中是这样。关键词:国际咖啡协议(ICoA)商品协议;咖啡市场;咖啡贸易;市场监管;重力方程;jel代码:F13024Q 17Q18致谢;作者感谢匿名审稿人的建设性贡献,使本文得到了显著的改进。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1继Lawless (Citation1995)和Cardello (Citation1995)之后,我们同意质量是一个多维分析领域,包括客观和主观成分,并具有空间和时间框架。这个概念是指特定产品的卓越程度,以及不存在包括感官和其他隐藏方面的缺陷。感官特征(形状、质地、外观、颜色和气味)很容易被感官感知,而隐藏的特征(化学成分)需要测量仪器,并且涉及安全性和营养(Shewfelt Citation1999)。质量也可以通过其他方面来衡量,比如营养成分、制备的难易程度、产品的密度、品牌或原产地的声誉,以及其他方面(Lawless citation, 1995)。此外,对于参与产品链生产和营销的每个参与者,质量可以具有不同的含义或内涵。生产者通常用感官和隐藏信息术语来定义它,而消费者则提供他们对满意度的感知,从而显示出不太有形和不太可量化的方面(Shewfelt Citation1999;Samper Citation2002, Citation2003;Viales and Montero引文,2015)2在规范(2)中,我们没有考虑对相互作用,允许我们在回归结果中引入距离和其他与地理相关的控制变量。
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引用次数: 0
The sins of the church: The long-term impacts of Christian missionary praxis on HIV and sexual behaviour in Zambia 教会的罪恶:基督教传教士对赞比亚艾滋病和性行为的长期影响
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2243036
Michael Chanda Chiseni
This study examines the long-term effect of Christian missionary exposure on HIV infection and related sexual behaviour in Zambia. I use distance to a historical missionary church and health facility as proxies for missionary exposure. I constructed a geocoded data set combining information on the historical locations of churches and missionary health centres with contemporary individual-level data. I find that individuals who live close to a historical missionary church have a higher likelihood of being infected with HIV. I find no significant effect of proximity to a missionary health centre on HIV. Considering that heterosexual transmission is the main channel of HIV transmission in Zambia, I analyse the effect of missionary exposure on sexual behaviour. The following patterns emerge: individuals who live close to a Protestant church are less likely to engage in premarital sexual abstinence; they also have their first sexual encounter at an earlier age, with the effect being stronger for men than women. Living near a Catholic church is associated with having a higher number of sexual partners.
本研究考察了基督教传教士在赞比亚接触艾滋病毒感染和相关性行为的长期影响。我用距离历史悠久的传教士教堂和医疗机构作为传教士接触的代表。我构建了一个地理编码数据集,将教堂和传教保健中心的历史位置信息与当代个人层面的数据结合起来。我发现住在历史悠久的传教教堂附近的人感染艾滋病毒的可能性更高。我没有发现靠近传教士保健中心对艾滋病毒有显著影响。考虑到异性传播是赞比亚艾滋病毒传播的主要渠道,我分析了传教士接触对性行为的影响。以下模式出现了:住在新教教堂附近的人不太可能进行婚前性节制;他们第一次性行为的年龄也更早,而且这种影响对男性的影响比女性更大。住在天主教堂附近的人有更多的性伴侣。
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引用次数: 0
Profits and inequality during an export boom. Evidence from tax records in Lima, Peru 出口繁荣时期的利润和不平等。来自秘鲁利马税务记录的证据
IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2245974
Luis Felipe Zegarra
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引用次数: 0
Like the swing of the pendulum: The history of government-sponsored rural settlements in São Paulo, Brazil (1820s–1920s) 就像钟摆的摆动:巴西圣保罗政府资助的农村定居点的历史(1820 - 1920)
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2243035
Bruno Gabriel Witzel de Souza
ABSTRACTThis paper studies the history of government-sponsored rural settlements in the province/state of São Paulo, Brazil, as a pendular movement, whose points of reversion depended on the interests of a landowning elite to obtain labour for newly expanding plantations from the 1820s to the 1920s. Faltering infrastructure and ill-defined property rights over public lands were persistent constraints to the development of such rural settlements. Part of this failure can be attributed to a lack of State capacity and part to the opposition of plantation owners to the settling of independent smallholdings. The paper complements this historical-institutional analysis with a quantitative description of such settlements in 1898–1920. These late government-sponsored rural settlements showed the potential to grow in demographic and economic terms and had an overall demographic and occupational composition well aligned with the goal of creating a family-based peasantry. However, there were enormous heterogeneities in ethno-linguistic composition, educational attainment, and economic prosperity between and within such rural settlements, which point to idiosyncratic features that should be taken into account in future research assessing the short- and long-run effects of immigration and settlement policies in Brazil.KEYWORDS: Rural settlement (Núcleo colonialColônia)plantationcoffeeimmigrationBrazil AcknowledgmentsI thank Stephan Klasen (in memoriam), Erika Anderson, Renato Colistete, André Lanza, José Meléndez, Miqueias Mügge, and William Summerhill for discussing various aspects of this paper. Maria Lúcia Lamounier gave me a much required intellectual incentive to keep working on it. I also benefited from comments received at the XVIII World Economic History Congress and the 3rd German Social and Economic History Congress. Comments by three anonymous referees and Editor Alfonso Herranz-Loncán greatly improved the original manuscript. The usual disclaimers apply and the author is solely responsible for the content of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.DisclaimerThe first draft of this paper was completed during a postdoctoral research period at the Institute for Economic & Social History at the University of Göttingen.Correction StatementThis article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.Notes1 European immigrants were generally the focus of such settlement policies, partly but not exclusively due to the racist intent of ‘whitening’ Brazil. Nonetheless, as early as the 1810s, Magistrate Antonio Rodrigues Velloso de Oliveira, born in São Paulo, envisaged resettling free Brazilians in sparsely populated regions (Velloso de Oliveira Citation1868 [Citation1810], 35–36, 74–75, 87–88; Citation1873 [Citation1814], 112–13). Plans to conquer and settle the indigenous population within the Brazilian territory were also frequent at the time, as di
摘要本文研究了巴西<s:1>圣保罗州政府资助的农村定居点的历史,这是一场摇摆不定的运动,从19世纪20年代到20世纪20年代,它的回归点取决于土地所有者精英为新扩张的种植园获得劳动力的利益。落后的基础设施和不明确的公共土地产权一直制约着农村定居点的发展。这种失败的部分原因是国家能力不足,部分原因是种植园主反对建立独立的小农场。本文对1898-1920年间的定居点进行了定量描述,以补充这一历史制度分析。这些后期由政府资助的农村定居点在人口和经济方面显示出增长的潜力,其总体人口和职业构成与建立以家庭为基础的农民的目标完全一致。然而,在这些农村定居点之间和内部的种族语言构成、教育程度和经济繁荣方面存在巨大的异质性,这表明在未来评估巴西移民和定居点政策的短期和长期影响的研究中应考虑到的特殊特征。感谢Stephan Klasen (in memorialen)、Erika Anderson、Renato Colistete、andr<s:1> Lanza、jos<s:1> melsamudez、miquias m<e:1> gge和William Summerhill对本文各个方面的讨论。Maria Lúcia Lamounier给了我一个非常必要的智力激励,让我继续努力。我也从第十八届世界经济史大会和第三届德国社会经济史大会上收到的评论中受益。三位匿名审稿人和编辑Alfonso Herranz-Loncán的评论大大改进了原稿。通常免责声明适用,作者对本文的内容全权负责。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。本文初稿是在Göttingen大学经济与社会历史研究所博士后期间完成的。这篇文章经过了细微的修改。这些变化不影响文章的学术内容。注1:欧洲移民通常是此类定居政策的焦点,部分原因是(但并非完全是)“漂白”巴西的种族主义意图。尽管如此,早在19世纪10年代,出生在<e:1>圣保罗的地方法官Antonio Rodrigues Velloso de Oliveira就设想在人口稀少的地区重新安置自由的巴西人(Velloso de Oliveira Citation1868 [Citation1810], 35 - 36,74 - 75,87 - 88;引用本文:Citation1873 [Citation1814], 112-13正如m<s:1> gge (Citation2022)所讨论的那样,当时在巴西领土内征服和定居土著人口的计划也很频繁,并且在Velloso de Oliveira的提案中也很普遍脚注1中提到的那位改革的支持者非常谨慎,他反对在殖民时期对皇家土地授予的产权进行任何改变。定居政策将完全以土地租赁改革为基础,而不是以财产变化为基础(Velloso de Oliveira Citation1873 [Citation1814], 99-100)例如,在《Diário de S. Paulo》(1865年10月18日,第2期)和《Correio Paulistano》(1866年3月26日,第2期)中,关于第一个德国殖民地在圣阿马洛的成功与失败的激烈辩论关于农村定居点及其对巴西长期发展影响的研究是评估大规模移民对美洲影响的更大文献的一部分。拉丁美洲参见Sánchez-Alonso (Citation2019, 24-27)Carvalho Filho和Monasterio (Citation2012)还发现,在巴西南格兰德州,历史定居点与当前发展指标之间存在正相关关系;这篇论文虽然没有否认人力资本的重要性,但强调了减少土地所有权不平等的积极作用巴西国家图书馆在线资源库:www.bndigital.bn.gov.br(最后一次访问是在2022年5月19日)psamurez melsamudez (Citation2023a)也采用了全国范围的报道,并将巴西的案例纳入全球背景。不幸的是,我是在完成对这篇论文的最后审查之后才知道那本即将出版的书的对这些案例研究的详尽回顾超出了本文的范围。尽管如此,我还是要重点介绍Zenha (Citation1950)和Siriani (Citation2003)关于第一批德国殖民地的作品,以及Langenbuch (Citation1971)关于19世纪70年代在<s:1>圣保罗市周围建立的殖民地的作品免费翻译的Annuario Estatístico do Estado de s<e:1>圣保罗。 关于Langsdorff的档案,见Bennigsen (Citation1954)和Schnaiderman (Citation1966)另见《O Farol Paulistano》发表的意见(1828年3月26日第2-4期)关于德国移民到巴西南部的史学是该国任何移民浪潮中最广泛和全面的。德雷尔(Citation2013)是一个很好的总结。更广泛地说,Seyferth (Citation2002)和Kupfer (Citation2021)尝试对巴西讲德语的人进行详尽的参考文献综述埃斯特拉达也被错误地拼写为Entrada。里约热内卢Negro位于目前的帕拉纳州,1853年从<s:1>圣保罗解放出来,成为一个独立的省份。(1855年2月20日,1)这一时期的移民流入非常少。1827年至1839年,圣保罗仅占巴西总流入人口的11.11%,而巴西总流入人口占美国总移民的1.76%。因此,本文的重点与移民流入的规模无关,而是与这一时期在巩固导致大规模移民的政策方面的相关性有关。我感谢一位匿名推荐人对这个问题的讨论。早期评论见O Farol Paulistano(1828年3月26日,2-4;1828年11月22日,1;在1828年11月15日的版本(1-2)中,韦尔盖罗本人发表了一篇评论值得注意的是,当时参与巴西移民政策制定的个人中,有许多人曾在德国Göttingen大学学习。这些人包括梅洛·佛朗哥、朗斯多夫、谢弗和尼古拉斯·韦尔盖罗的儿子路易斯·韦尔盖罗(见下文)。虽然我并不是说他们作为学生建立了一个共同的网络——正如Langsdorff([1825/26] 1997, 14)明确提到他将在<s:1>圣保罗第一次见到Mello Franco博士——他们在德国各州招募移民,以及他们在不来梅和汉堡可能拥有的联系,很可能与他们在德国北部各州度过的青年时代有关。在这方面,请参阅Begliomini (Citationn.d), Bennigsen Citation1954, Castro (Citationn.d)。, 25), Karastojanov (Citation1998, footnote 388), Schnaiderman (Citation1966)和Sommer (Citation1950a, Citation1950b)。关于巴西移民殖民地的思想史及其与德国摄影主义和Göttingen大学的相互联系,见psamezmelsamendez (Citation2023b).18Aldeamentos是自16世纪以来由宗教团体建立的定居点,目
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引用次数: 0
Child labour, Africa’s colonial system, and coercion: The case of the Portuguese colonies, 1870–1975 童工、非洲殖民制度和强制:1870-1975年葡萄牙殖民地的案例
IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2243034
Pedro Goulart
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引用次数: 0
The colonial gap: An analysis of income distribution in the Port of Dakar, 1911–1940 殖民差距:1911-1940年达喀尔港收入分配分析
IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2220076
Daniel Castillo Hidalgo
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引用次数: 0
The economic response of the Israeli government to a rapid influx of immigrants by the founding of the state, 1948–1953: Expansionary fiscal policy and rationing 1948年至1953年,以色列政府对建国后移民迅速涌入的经济反应:扩张性财政政策和定量配给
IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2220075
Andrew Schein
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引用次数: 0
The emergence of Brazil as a major world sugar and ethanol producer 巴西成为世界主要食糖和乙醇生产国
IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2213400
H. Klein, F. Luna
ABSTRACT The production and export of sugar defined the colonial history of Brazil. It was here that the first modern slave based plantation system was created in America. Up through the end of the 17th century it was the dominant Atlantic producer of sugar. Although production continued to grow it was replaced in world markets in the 18th century by West Indian growers and was late to modernize in the 19th and early 20th century. Yet today it is once again the world's dominant producer of sugar and the second largest producer of ethanol. How and why these changes occurred is the theme of this essay in which we explore the rise of the modern sugar and ethanol industries in Brazil.
糖的生产和出口决定了巴西的殖民历史。正是在这里,美国建立了第一个以奴隶为基础的现代种植园系统。直到17世纪末,它一直是大西洋糖的主要生产国。尽管产量继续增长,但在18世纪,它在世界市场上被西印度种植者所取代,并在19世纪和20世纪初实现了现代化。然而,今天,它再次成为世界上占主导地位的糖生产国和第二大乙醇生产国。这些变化是如何发生的以及为什么发生的,这是本文的主题,我们在文章中探讨了巴西现代糖和乙醇工业的兴起。
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引用次数: 0
The development of colonial health care provision in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire: ca. 1900–55 加纳和科特迪瓦殖民地医疗服务的发展:约1900-55年
IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2023.2209284
Arlinde C.E. Vrooman
ABSTRACT Colonial administrations introduced various social infrastructures in Africa. This paper analyses and compares the development of colonial governments' health care provision and policies in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire from circa 1900 to 1955. Using qualitative and quantitative information from colonial reports, a new dataset captures the development of four factors relevant to these aims: health care expenditures, health care facilities, medical staff, and patients. Deflated health care expenditures per capita were found to be higher in Ghana than in Côte d’Ivoire in almost all years. The number of health care facilities per capita was larger in Côte d’Ivoire than in Ghana, and facilities were more geographically dispersed. Ghana had a lower number of medical staff per capita than Côte d’Ivoire as of the 1920s. Medical staff from Côte d’Ivoire formed the majority of the staff base as early as the mid-1910s. Finally, the analysis shows that the number of patients treated in health care facilities in Ghana was low until the 1920s, and took off as more facilities became available during the 1940s. These findings provide evidence that even two countries that are relatively similar (apart from their colonial history) can have different colonial health care trajectories.
殖民政府在非洲引进了各种社会基础设施。本文分析和比较了1900年至1955年左右加纳和Côte科特迪瓦殖民地政府的卫生保健提供和政策的发展。利用来自殖民地报告的定性和定量信息,一个新的数据集捕捉了与这些目标相关的四个因素的发展:卫生保健支出、卫生保健设施、医务人员和患者。研究发现,几乎所有年份,加纳的人均压缩卫生保健支出都高于Côte科特迪瓦。科特迪瓦Côte的人均保健设施数量比加纳多,而且设施在地理上更加分散。截至20世纪20年代,加纳的人均医务人员数量低于Côte科特迪瓦。早在1910年代中期,来自Côte科特迪瓦的医务人员就构成了工作人员基数的大部分。最后,分析表明,直到20世纪20年代,在加纳的卫生保健设施中接受治疗的患者人数很低,20世纪40年代,随着更多设施的出现,这一数字开始上升。这些发现提供的证据表明,即使是两个相对相似的国家(除了它们的殖民历史),也可能有不同的殖民医疗轨迹。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Economic History of Developing Regions
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