《维多利亚苏格兰的少年司法》,克里斯汀·凯利著

William S. Bush
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As a result, Scotland abandoned its existing system for a community-based justice model that remains distinctive, both within and beyond the United Kingdom.1 Juvenile Justice in Victorian Scotland argues that the Kilbrandon reforms represented a culmination of, rather than a radical departure from, the previous century. Compassion fueled the Victorian-era reformers who founded Scotland's first juvenile justice programs in response to rampant child poverty in its industrializing cities (43–8). In the \"pre-statutory\" first half of the nineteenth century, explains author Christine Kelly, city governments developed policing practices that ensnared growing numbers of children and youth. The problem of children jailed with adults quickly elicited a humanitarian response from a generation of reformers in the 1840s, led by Sheriff William Watson of Aberdeen, \"the most eminent reformer of juvenile justice in Victorian Scotland\" (65). Watson invented and popularized the industrial day school, which fed and cared for neglected, destitute, and nonserious youth offenders. Funded locally, these schools offered academic and vocational training but, importantly for its leaders, also sought to inculcate middle-class habits of \"respectability\" (66). Unlike the influential reformatory in Mettray, France, emulated across England, the Scottish industrial day schools not only allowed their charges to return to their families each evening but also sought to uplift the family unit through its children. By the 1850s, other towns and cities were launching industrial day schools with Watson's guidance. This generation of reformers embraced an emergent notion of protected childhood that called for a shared social responsibility to [End Page 307] care for rather than punish impoverished and delinquent youth. \"If society leaves them knowingly in the state of utter degradation,\" asserted Watson's contemporary, English reformer Mary Carpenter, \"I think it absolutely owes them reparation, far more than they can be said to owe reparation to it\" (74). This philosophy soon gave way to more punitive and carceral approaches, largely imported from England. Kelly guides us through complex legislative developments in Scotland and the United Kingdom that by the 1870s resulted in the expanded use of secure, residential training schools for youth increasingly viewed as \"the dangerous classes\" (80). The growth of imprisonment departed from Watson's approach, separating children from their families while billing parents for the expense of their children's incarceration (87–88). Between 1864 and 1884, the number of children held in industrial schools throughout the United Kingdom exploded from 1,668 to 18,780 (188), while the daily regime of those schools shifted from education to prison-style labor. Kelly intersperses her policy discussions with brief case studies of individual children that illustrate her larger points. She also recounts struggles into the twentieth century to restore the original humanitarian vision of Scotland's early reformers, with some local judges resisting pressure to abandon an individualized approach to juvenile cases. By the passage of the Children's Act of 1908, which established Scotland's first separate juvenile courts and removed most children from prisons, Scottish children were being \"criminalized\" on \"an immense scale\" through extended incarceration for nonserious offenses (166). This law ended widespread use of imprisonment, introduced juvenile probation, and acknowledged the special place of children within the criminal justice system. However, it did not significantly alter the individualized approach first introduced by the Victorian-era reformers. Moreover, overincarceration and neglect persisted, culminating with the Kilbrandon inquiry and report in the 1960s. The twentieth century receives much less attention here, as it falls beyond the scope of this study; however, non-experts on this...","PeriodicalId":91623,"journal":{"name":"The journal of the history of childhood and youth","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Juvenile Justice in Victorian Scotland by Christine Kelly\",\"authors\":\"William S. 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Watson invented and popularized the industrial day school, which fed and cared for neglected, destitute, and nonserious youth offenders. Funded locally, these schools offered academic and vocational training but, importantly for its leaders, also sought to inculcate middle-class habits of \\\"respectability\\\" (66). Unlike the influential reformatory in Mettray, France, emulated across England, the Scottish industrial day schools not only allowed their charges to return to their families each evening but also sought to uplift the family unit through its children. By the 1850s, other towns and cities were launching industrial day schools with Watson's guidance. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

书评:《苏格兰维多利亚时期的少年司法》作者:克里斯汀·凯利威廉·s·布什。克里斯汀·凯利著。爱丁堡:爱丁堡大学出版社,2019。苏格兰是当今少数几个在青少年司法方面基本保持非犯罪化、福利驱动的国家之一。除了最严重的青少年犯罪案件外,苏格兰利用儿童听证会和社区干预来代替少年法庭和安全拘留设施。许多观察家将这一制度追溯到50年前由苏格兰法官詹姆斯·基尔布兰登勋爵(Lord James Kilbrandon)颁布的一场“革命”。1964年,基尔布兰登报告谴责苏格兰过度使用类似监狱的住宅感化院和工业学校。结果,苏格兰放弃了现有的制度,采用了一种以社区为基础的司法模式,这种模式在英国内外都很独特。1维多利亚时期苏格兰的少年司法认为,基尔布兰登改革代表了上个世纪的高潮,而不是彻底背离了上个世纪。同情激发了维多利亚时代的改革者,他们创立了苏格兰第一个青少年司法项目,以应对工业化城市中猖獗的儿童贫困问题。作家克里斯汀·凯利(Christine Kelly)解释说,在19世纪上半叶的“立法前”,市政府制定的警务措施使越来越多的儿童和青少年陷入困境。19世纪40年代,由阿伯丁郡长威廉·沃森(William Watson)领导的一代改革家对儿童与成人一起被关在一起的问题迅速做出了人道主义回应。沃森是“维多利亚时期苏格兰青少年司法领域最杰出的改革家”。沃森发明并推广了工业走读学校,为那些被忽视的、贫困的、不严重的青少年罪犯提供食物和照顾。这些学校由地方资助,提供学术和职业培训,但对其领导人来说重要的是,这些学校也试图灌输中产阶级“体面”的习惯(66)。与英国各地效仿的法国梅特雷(Mettray)有影响力的教养院不同,苏格兰的工业日制学校不仅允许学生每天晚上回到家里,而且还试图通过孩子们来提升家庭的凝聚力。到19世纪50年代,在沃森的指导下,其他城镇也开始开办工业走读学校。这一代改革者接受了一种新兴的保护童年的观念,这种观念呼吁共同承担社会责任,照顾而不是惩罚贫困和犯罪的青少年。“如果社会故意让他们处于彻底堕落的状态,”与沃森同时代的英国改革家玛丽·卡朋特断言,“我认为社会绝对欠他们补偿,远远超过他们对社会的补偿。”(74)这种哲学很快让位于更多的惩罚和严厉的方法,这些方法主要是从英国引进的。凯利引导我们通过苏格兰和英国复杂的立法发展,到19世纪70年代,这些发展导致了安全的、寄宿的青年培训学校的扩大使用,这些学校越来越被视为“危险阶层”(80)。监禁的增长背离了沃森的方法,将孩子与家人分开,同时向父母收取孩子监禁的费用(87-88)。1864年至1884年间,全英国工业学校的学生人数从1668人激增至18780人(188人),而这些学校的日常管理方式也从教育转变为监狱式的劳动。凯利在她的政策讨论中穿插了对个别儿童的简短案例研究,以说明她更大的观点。她还讲述了20世纪为恢复苏格兰早期改革者最初的人道主义愿景而进行的斗争,一些当地法官抵制了放弃对青少年案件进行个性化处理的压力。1908年通过的《儿童法》(Children's Act)建立了苏格兰第一个独立的少年法庭,并将大多数儿童从监狱中移出,苏格兰儿童因非严重罪行而被“大规模”地“定罪”(166)。该法结束了广泛使用的监禁,引入了少年缓刑,并承认儿童在刑事司法系统中的特殊地位。然而,它并没有显著改变维多利亚时代的改革者首先引入的个性化方法。此外,过度监禁和忽视持续存在,在20世纪60年代的基尔布兰登调查和报告中达到高潮。二十世纪在这里受到的关注要少得多,因为它超出了本研究的范围;然而,这方面的非专业人士……
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Juvenile Justice in Victorian Scotland by Christine Kelly
Reviewed by: Juvenile Justice in Victorian Scotland by Christine Kelly William S. Bush Juvenile Justice in Victorian Scotland. By Christine Kelly. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2019. viii + 246 pp. Scotland is one of only a handful of countries today that maintains a largely decriminalized, welfare-driven approach to juvenile justice. In place of juvenile courts and secure detention facilities, Scotland utilizes children's hearings and community-based interventions for all but the most serious cases of youth offending. Many observers trace this system to a "revolution" fifty years ago, promulgated by Scottish judge Lord James Kilbrandon. In 1964, the Kilbrandon report decried Scotland's overuse of prison-like residential reformatories and industrial schools. As a result, Scotland abandoned its existing system for a community-based justice model that remains distinctive, both within and beyond the United Kingdom.1 Juvenile Justice in Victorian Scotland argues that the Kilbrandon reforms represented a culmination of, rather than a radical departure from, the previous century. Compassion fueled the Victorian-era reformers who founded Scotland's first juvenile justice programs in response to rampant child poverty in its industrializing cities (43–8). In the "pre-statutory" first half of the nineteenth century, explains author Christine Kelly, city governments developed policing practices that ensnared growing numbers of children and youth. The problem of children jailed with adults quickly elicited a humanitarian response from a generation of reformers in the 1840s, led by Sheriff William Watson of Aberdeen, "the most eminent reformer of juvenile justice in Victorian Scotland" (65). Watson invented and popularized the industrial day school, which fed and cared for neglected, destitute, and nonserious youth offenders. Funded locally, these schools offered academic and vocational training but, importantly for its leaders, also sought to inculcate middle-class habits of "respectability" (66). Unlike the influential reformatory in Mettray, France, emulated across England, the Scottish industrial day schools not only allowed their charges to return to their families each evening but also sought to uplift the family unit through its children. By the 1850s, other towns and cities were launching industrial day schools with Watson's guidance. This generation of reformers embraced an emergent notion of protected childhood that called for a shared social responsibility to [End Page 307] care for rather than punish impoverished and delinquent youth. "If society leaves them knowingly in the state of utter degradation," asserted Watson's contemporary, English reformer Mary Carpenter, "I think it absolutely owes them reparation, far more than they can be said to owe reparation to it" (74). This philosophy soon gave way to more punitive and carceral approaches, largely imported from England. Kelly guides us through complex legislative developments in Scotland and the United Kingdom that by the 1870s resulted in the expanded use of secure, residential training schools for youth increasingly viewed as "the dangerous classes" (80). The growth of imprisonment departed from Watson's approach, separating children from their families while billing parents for the expense of their children's incarceration (87–88). Between 1864 and 1884, the number of children held in industrial schools throughout the United Kingdom exploded from 1,668 to 18,780 (188), while the daily regime of those schools shifted from education to prison-style labor. Kelly intersperses her policy discussions with brief case studies of individual children that illustrate her larger points. She also recounts struggles into the twentieth century to restore the original humanitarian vision of Scotland's early reformers, with some local judges resisting pressure to abandon an individualized approach to juvenile cases. By the passage of the Children's Act of 1908, which established Scotland's first separate juvenile courts and removed most children from prisons, Scottish children were being "criminalized" on "an immense scale" through extended incarceration for nonserious offenses (166). This law ended widespread use of imprisonment, introduced juvenile probation, and acknowledged the special place of children within the criminal justice system. However, it did not significantly alter the individualized approach first introduced by the Victorian-era reformers. Moreover, overincarceration and neglect persisted, culminating with the Kilbrandon inquiry and report in the 1960s. The twentieth century receives much less attention here, as it falls beyond the scope of this study; however, non-experts on this...
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