{"title":"日语注释双子句并置结构","authors":"Yoko Hasegawa","doi":"10.1075/pc.22020.has","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study introduces an enigmatic construction in Japanese called chūshakuteki nibun-renchi ‘annotative dual-clause juxtaposition’ (ADCJ), exemplified below: Hiro wa , dare ni au no ka , resutoran o yoyakushita . top who dat meet nmlz int restaurant acc reserved Lit. ‘Hiro, (I wonder) who (he) will meet, reserved a restaurant.’ This construction is ubiquitous and yet little known even in Japanese linguistics circles. Because the matrix predicate of ADCJ cannot semantically accommodate such a component as dare ni au no ka ‘who (he) will meet’ above, this paper argues that ADCJ is parenthetical, a construct that should be recognized as an essential element of verbal communication and, in turn, a determining factor in how utterances are to be formed and interpreted. This construction is dissimilar to any other type of parentheticals hitherto reported in the literature. What is so special about it is its merger of portraying two situations through abduction and expressing the entire circumstance in a single communicative unit. For example, in the above example, the parenthetical element explains why the speaker wishes to convey the matrix statement. From an interactional perspective, the primary function of ADCJ is to highlight the speaker’s intellectual and communicative involvement in the depicted scene. This style of communication, when compared with an ‘objective’ and apathetic description, is likely to induce more earnest reactions from the hearer or reader and, consequently, promote a more favorable continuation of the conversation or reading. This paper advocates a wide-ranging examination of thetical grammar ( Kaltenböck et al. 2011 ), for which detailed analyses of constructions such as ADCJ that traditional syntactic/semantic theories cannot capture are indispensable.","PeriodicalId":45741,"journal":{"name":"Pragmatics & Cognition","volume":" 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The annotative dual-clause juxtaposition construction in Japanese\",\"authors\":\"Yoko Hasegawa\",\"doi\":\"10.1075/pc.22020.has\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Abstract This study introduces an enigmatic construction in Japanese called chūshakuteki nibun-renchi ‘annotative dual-clause juxtaposition’ (ADCJ), exemplified below: Hiro wa , dare ni au no ka , resutoran o yoyakushita . top who dat meet nmlz int restaurant acc reserved Lit. ‘Hiro, (I wonder) who (he) will meet, reserved a restaurant.’ This construction is ubiquitous and yet little known even in Japanese linguistics circles. Because the matrix predicate of ADCJ cannot semantically accommodate such a component as dare ni au no ka ‘who (he) will meet’ above, this paper argues that ADCJ is parenthetical, a construct that should be recognized as an essential element of verbal communication and, in turn, a determining factor in how utterances are to be formed and interpreted. This construction is dissimilar to any other type of parentheticals hitherto reported in the literature. What is so special about it is its merger of portraying two situations through abduction and expressing the entire circumstance in a single communicative unit. For example, in the above example, the parenthetical element explains why the speaker wishes to convey the matrix statement. From an interactional perspective, the primary function of ADCJ is to highlight the speaker’s intellectual and communicative involvement in the depicted scene. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
摘要本文介绍了日语中一种名为chūshakuteki nibun-renchi(注释双句并列)的谜式结构,举例如下:Hiro wa, dare ni au no ka, resutoran o yoyakushita。(我想知道)阿宏(他)会遇见谁,他预定了一个餐厅。这种结构无处不在,但即使在日本语言学圈也很少有人知道。由于ADCJ的矩阵谓词在语义上不能容纳上述“谁(他)将会见”这样的成分,本文认为ADCJ是插入式的,这是一个应该被认为是言语交际的基本要素的结构,反过来,它是话语如何形成和解释的决定性因素。这种结构不同于迄今为止文献中报道的任何其他类型的插入语。它的特别之处在于它将两种情景通过诱拐的方式描绘出来,并在一个交际单元中表达整个情景。例如,在上面的示例中,括号元素解释了说话者为什么希望传达矩阵语句。从互动的角度来看,ADCJ的主要功能是突出说话人在描述场景中的智力和交际参与。与“客观”和冷漠的描述相比,这种交流方式可能会引起听者或读者更认真的反应,从而促进更有利的对话或阅读的继续。本文主张对综合语法进行广泛的检查(Kaltenböck et al. 2011),为此,对传统语法/语义理论无法捕获的ADCJ等结构的详细分析是必不可少的。
The annotative dual-clause juxtaposition construction in Japanese
Abstract This study introduces an enigmatic construction in Japanese called chūshakuteki nibun-renchi ‘annotative dual-clause juxtaposition’ (ADCJ), exemplified below: Hiro wa , dare ni au no ka , resutoran o yoyakushita . top who dat meet nmlz int restaurant acc reserved Lit. ‘Hiro, (I wonder) who (he) will meet, reserved a restaurant.’ This construction is ubiquitous and yet little known even in Japanese linguistics circles. Because the matrix predicate of ADCJ cannot semantically accommodate such a component as dare ni au no ka ‘who (he) will meet’ above, this paper argues that ADCJ is parenthetical, a construct that should be recognized as an essential element of verbal communication and, in turn, a determining factor in how utterances are to be formed and interpreted. This construction is dissimilar to any other type of parentheticals hitherto reported in the literature. What is so special about it is its merger of portraying two situations through abduction and expressing the entire circumstance in a single communicative unit. For example, in the above example, the parenthetical element explains why the speaker wishes to convey the matrix statement. From an interactional perspective, the primary function of ADCJ is to highlight the speaker’s intellectual and communicative involvement in the depicted scene. This style of communication, when compared with an ‘objective’ and apathetic description, is likely to induce more earnest reactions from the hearer or reader and, consequently, promote a more favorable continuation of the conversation or reading. This paper advocates a wide-ranging examination of thetical grammar ( Kaltenböck et al. 2011 ), for which detailed analyses of constructions such as ADCJ that traditional syntactic/semantic theories cannot capture are indispensable.