拉帕努伊人不同的个性:(ca. 1859)和“先知”玛利亚·阿加塔·韦里·塔尔(ca. 1853—1914)——第二部分:阿加塔的圣经

IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-07 DOI:10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725
Tomi S. Melka, Robert M. Schoch
{"title":"拉帕努伊人不同的个性:(ca. 1859)和“先知”玛利亚·阿加塔·韦里·塔尔(ca. 1853—1914)——第二部分:阿加塔的圣经","authors":"Tomi S. Melka, Robert M. Schoch","doi":"10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn Part I of this article, we discussed an English caplock pistol that reportedly belonged to the Easter Island (Rapa Nui) King Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and the birdmen motif found on the pistol grip, comparing the pistol’s birdmen figures to similar figures found carved on boulders and rock surfaces on Easter Island. In Part II we turn to a consideration of another seminal individual in the history of the island, María Angata Veri Tahi – the Rapanui ‘Prophetess’ and chief organizer of the 1914 rebellion against the Compañía Explotadora de la Isla de Pascua. Thanks to the generosity of the current owner, we have been allowed to study a nineteenth-century artefact that was once in the possession of Angata – an 1849 English Holy Bible. This Bible is of note as (1) in contrast to Angata’s conversion to Roman Catholic beliefs, it is a Protestant Bible, and (2) it features a short inscription in vernacular Rapanui on the inside of its back cover which may have been penned by Angata herself or by another Rapanui under her direction. The present analysis of the Bible (and other associated objects) suggests a number of hypotheses regarding the historical context in which Angata lived and operated, while shedding light on various aspects of the prophetess’s life and activities. Whether raising the spirits of her Rapanui followers against foreign institutions and shifting powers or fuelling a new brand of syncretic religion on the island, Angata’s historical importance merits the attention of modern scholarship.Key words: Bible, bead-/‘button’-like objectscatechistCompañía Explotadora de la Isla de Pascua (CEDIP)María Angata (Aŋata)mother-of-pearl crossRapanui revolt/rebellion of 1914rosary SUPPLEMENTAL DATA AND ILLUSTRATIONSSupplement accessible at https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725.AcknowledgementsIn Part II, we acknowledge the interesting discussions with Gordon Berthin, Roberto Weber Ch., Nancy Thiesen de Weber, Ewan Maidment, Grant McCall, Bernard Hausdorf, Philippe Bouchet, Ellen Strong, Bret K. Raines, and Paulus-Jan A. Kieviet concerning various aspects of the history, ethnography, language, malacology, and bibliography of Rapa Nui. Under this vein, we are most grateful for their input. Any possible lapse along the suggested hypotheses is ours.Notes1 Tomi S. Melka and Robert M. Schoch, ‘On Two Different Personalities from Old Rapa Nui: Personal Effects of ‘ariki mau Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and ‘Prophetess’ María Angata Veri Tahi (ca. 1853–1914) – Part I: The Pistol of Nga‘ara’, The Journal of Pacific History 58, no. 3 (2023).2 We must respect the desire of various dealers, collectors, and owners to remain anonymous; otherwise, we would not be allowed access to their collections for purposes of scholarly study.3 It should be highlighted that the current owner’s interest in the artefact is of a non-religious nature and, certainly, s/he does not practise any form of witchcraft.4 The Holy Bible, The Holy Bible, Containing the Old and New Testaments (London: G. E. Eyre and W. Spottiswoode, 1849).5 See Katherine Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island: The Story of an Expedition (London: Hazell, Watson and Viney, 1919), fig. 30 facing page 145, photograph labelled ‘ANGATA, THE PROPHETESS’; José Ignacio Vives Solar, ‘Una Revolución en la Isla de Pascua en 1914’, Pacífico Magazine 10, no. 60 (1917): 660, quoted in Nelson Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, in La Compañía Explotadora de Isla de Pascua: Patrimonio, Memoria e Identidad en Rapa Nui, ed. Claudio Cristino and Miguel Fuentes (Concepción, Chile: Escaparate Ediciones, 2011), 112 note 8, mentions specifically a long rosary of Angata. In turn, Castro Flores (ibid.) points out, ‘El rosario utilizado por Angata estaba confeccionado con conchas pequeñas, que recibían la denominación de pure. Pure se denominaba a la casa y a la Iglesia. Además, la expresión denota la oración Englert, 1948: 489’ (The rosary of Angata was made of small shellfish, to be known as pure. Pure connoted the home and the Church. Also see the reference in Englert, 1948: 489). Furthermore, the term pure had the meaning of prayer; cf. idem. Consider, however, that there are two basic definitions of the word ‹pure›: pure (1) n. prayer, invocation, v.i. pray, supplicate; pure (2) n. a kind of cowry (cowrie) shell (porcelain-like shell), different species being generally dark or light brown with dots: Cypraea caputdraconis and Cypraea englerti; cf. WoRMSa, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Monetaria caputdraconis (Melvill, 1888)’, http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=570813 (accessed 10 Dec. 2020); WoRMSb, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Naria englerti (Summers & Burgess 1965)’, http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=1075024 (accessed 10 Dec. 2020). There is no word pure that means explicitly church. A church or chapel building (= house of worship) is called a hare pure, lit. house prayer (prayer house); see William Churchill, The Rapanui Speech and the Peopling of Southeast Polynesia (Washington: The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1912), 245.6 See ‘Lettre du R. P. Pacôme Olivier, vice-provincial de la Congrégation des Sacrés-Coeurs de Jésus et de Marie, à Valparaiso (Chili), au T. R. P. Supérieur Général de la même Congrégation, à Paris’, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi – Recueil Périodique des Lettres des Evêques et des Missionnaires des Missions des Deux Mondes, et de tous les Documents Relatifs aux Missions et a l’Œuvre de la Propagation de la Foi 38 (1866): 45–52; Joseph-Eugène Eyraud, ‘Lettre du Frère Eugène Eyraud, au T. R. P. Supérieur Général de la Congrégation des Sacrés-Coeurs de Jésus et de Marie. Valparaíso, décembre 1864’, in ibid., 52–71, 124–38. Although there had been contact with Europeans since 1722, the first Christian missionary to live on the island was Eugène Eyraud, for nine months in 1864. Eyraud returned to the island with other missionaries in 1866. See Steven Roger Fischer, Island at the End of the World: The Turbulent History of Easter Island (London: Reaktion Books, 2005), 92–7.7 Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 113.8 See Steven R. Fischer, ‘Rapanui Group Photo Dated August 1873’, Rapa Nui Journal 5, no. 1 (1991): 3; Grant McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World: Angata’s Cult on Easter Island’, in Papers from the Eighth Pacific History Association Conference, ed. Donald H. Rubinstein (Mangilao, Guam: University of Guam Press & Micronesian Area Research Center, 1992), 18; CONAF (Corporación Nacional Forestal), ‘Plan de Manejo Parque Nacional Rapa Nui’ (Santiago, Chile: CONAF/Ministerio de Agricultura, 1997), 46, http://bdrnap.mma.gob.cl/recursos/SINIA/PlandeManejo/PN%20Rapa%20Nui.pdf (accessed 10 June 2021), ‘Posteriormente, y luego que Bornier incendiara las viviendas de los nativos construidas en la misión de Vaihu, el Obispo de Tahiti ordena a Roussel y al asistente Teodolo Escolan partir de la isla con rumbo a la misión de Mangareva en abril de 1871. 168 isleños fueron trasladados en el buque “Burgoyne”, y un número cercano a los 109 isleños prosiguieron viaje a Tahiti a trabajar con Brander y en las plantaciones cocoteras de la misión católica’ (Subsequently, after Bornier set on fire the dwellings of the natives built in the Vaihu mission, the Bishop of Tahiti orders Roussel and his assistant Teodolo Escolan [Théodule Escolan] to leave the island and head for the mission of Mangareva in April 1871. 168 islanders were displaced aboard the ship “Burgoyne”, and an approximate number of 109 islanders continued the journey to Tahiti in order to work with [John] Brander and the cocoa-nut plantations of the Catholic mission); Patricia Štambuk, Rongo: La Historia Oculta de Isla de Pascua (Santiago de Chile: Editorial Pehuén, 2010), 31–3.9 See George H. Cooke, Te Pito te Henua, known as Rapa-Nui, commonly called Easter Island, South Pacific Ocean. Annual Reports Smithsonian Institution for 1897 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, United States National Museum, 1899), 717–18.10 McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18.11 Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 129.12 Cf. Cooke, Te Pito te Henua, known as Rapa-Nui, commonly called Easter Island, South Pacific Ocean, 718; McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 129–30; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 108, suggests that young Angata could have travelled to the Gambier Islands or Tahiti; in turn, Sofía Abarca, ‘1914. ANGATA, CANTATA RAPANUI’, in Cristino and Fuentes, eds, La Compañía Explotadora de Isla de Pascua, 301, mentions that Angata ‘Fue llevada por los Misioneros Católicos (expulsados de la isla por la Compañía), a Tahití en 1872, en donde estudió en la escuela de catequistas de Moorea’ (She was taken by the Catholic Missionaries (forced to leave the island by the Company) to Tahiti in 1872, where she studied in the school for Catechism in Mo‘orea).13 Cf. McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18, 19.14 Rolf Foerster González and Sonia Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata: ¿Resistencia Religiosa o Secular? Las Complicidades Tire y los Múltiples Sentidos de la Revuelta de 1914 en Rapa Nui’ [100 Years after the Angata Rebellion: Religious or Secular Resistance? Tire’s [= Chile’s] Complicities and the Multiple Meanings of the 1914 Revolt in Rapa Nui], Chungará, Revista de Antropología Chilena 48, no. 1 (2016): 98.15 Ibid., 101 note 29.16 And then there is also the matter of Angata’s interaction with members of the Mana expedition, especially with Katherine Routledge; see Routledge, Mystery of Easter Island. This may precipitate another theory as to how Angata came into the possession of an English Protestant Bible.17 Cf. Marie-Françoise Péteuil, Les évadés de l’île de Pâques: Loin du Chili, vers Tahiti (1944–1958) [The Escapees of Easter Island: Far from Chile, Headed for Tahiti (1944–1958)] (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2004); Fischer, Island at the End of the World.18 ‘patenôtre’ in wiktionary.org, https://fr.wiktionary.org/wiki/paten%C3%B4tre (accessed 1 Aug. 2019).19 Routledge, Mystery of Easter Island, 149; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 117.20 The online source ‘María Angata … … … y la Rebelión de & the Rebellion of 1914’, in https://moevarua.com/en/maria-angata/ (accessed 10 Mar. 2023), relates her parental affiliation as, ‘Maria Angata Veri Tahi, daughter of Hare Kohou (of the Miru tribe [lineage group]) and Veri Tahi a Kau (of the Haumoana tribe [lineage group]) was born in 1854’.21 See e.g., Roy D. Kotansky, ‘Textual Amulets and Writing Traditions in the Ancient World’, in Guide to the Study of Ancient Magic, ed. David Frankfurter (Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2019), 507; cf. in a broader context, J. Scarborough, ‘The Pharmacology of Sacred Plants, Herbs, and Roots’, in Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, ed. Dirk Obink and Christopher A. Pharaone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 138–74.22 For a different Indigenous Pacific context where shell beads were put to use as ‘money’ and/or items of adornment, see Katherine Szabó, ‘Shell Money and Context in Western Island Melanesia’, in Pacific Presences: Oceanic Art and European Museums, vol. 2, ed. Lucie Carreau et al. (Leiden: Sidestone Press, 2018), 38. It should be noted that R. M. Schoch has seen various bead-like objects of both bone and shell from Easter Island in private collections, some of which were strung on plant fibre cords and some of which were strung on cords apparently made of human hair. See Robert M. Schoch and Tomi S. Melka, ‘A Wooden Hand from Easter Island (Rapa Nui), part I’, Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 77/78, no. 1 (2022): 303–17, 313 figs 7 and 8; however, to the best of our knowledge, such artefacts from Rapa Nui have never been subject to a thorough study. To help relieve this deficiency, we illustrate a select handful of such objects in the online Supplement to the present article. Additionally, it should be noted that two bone beads, each in the shape of a human skull, accompanied the ‘Rangitoki bark-cloth fragment’ (collected on Easter Island in March 1869) in its European storage case, a former pocket watchcase. See Robert M. Schoch and Tomi S. Melka, ‘The Rangitoki (Raŋitoki) Bark-cloth Piece: A Newly Recognized rongorongo Fragment from Easter Island’, Asian and African Studies 28, no. 2 (2019): 113–48, 413–17 (figs 1–7). The current anonymous owner of the piece was told by an intermediary collector and dealer that the descendants of the original collector of the ‘Rangitoki bark-cloth fragment’ believed or had the impression that the bone beads were acquired from Easter Island at the same time (March 1869) as the bark-cloth fragment painted with a short rongorongo sequence; even if this were the case, it does not demonstrate that the beads were originally from Easter Island, as they could have been trade items, but it would corroborate that bone beads were valued by the Rapanui.23 As briefly mentioned in note 5, the Rapanui word pure covered very likely a pair of cowry-shell species, namely Cypraea caputdraconis and C. englerti, endemic to Easter Island and Sala y Gómez Island. Cypraea (or Naria) englerti is the second most common of the cowry (cowrie) species from Easter Island, but still much rarer than the most common species (due to C. englerti living in relatively deep waters); the most common species is Cypraea (or Monetaria) caputdraconis (which also goes by other generic names; it lives in shallower waters and is thus more easily collected); cf. WoRMSa, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Monetaria caputdraconis (Melvill, 1888)’; WoRMSb, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Naria englerti (Summers & Burgess, 1965)’. There are additional cowry species around Easter Island in the deeper waters offshore. Note that whereas C. caputdraconis was originally named based on a specimen ‘from Hong Kong, where it was collected’, as stated in James Cosmo Melvill, ‘A Survey of the Genus Cypraea (Linn.), its Nomenclature, Geographical Distribution, and Distinctive Affinities; with Descriptions of Two New Species, and Several Varieties’, Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, series 4, 1 (1888): 214, this species is now considered to be endemic to Easter Island and Sala y Gómez Island; see, for instance, Harald A. Rehder, The Marine Mollusks of Easter Island (Isla de Pascua) and Sala y Gómez (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1980), 5, 67.24 See Ramón Campbell, ‘Etnomusicología de la Isla de Pascua’, Revista Musical Chilena 42, no. 170 (1988): 24, in the caption of a photograph taken in 1965 illustrating a Rapanui dancer with the name ‘Mirto Tuki’. The description Campbell (ibid.) makes of the dress she wears is: ‘traje antiguo hecho con plumas de color blanco y negro, llamado “huru-huru”, adornado por “pure”, conchitas de caracoles marinos’ ([featuring] an old-styled dress made of black and white feathers, called ‘huru-huru’, and embellished with ‘pure’, cowry shells). Evidently, even in modern times, ‘feathers’ and ‘cowry shells’ appear to be important recurring motifs/tokens in the Rapanui cultural tradition.25 Tomi S. Melka and Robert M. Schoch, ‘On Two Different Personalities from Old Rapa Nui: Personal Effects of ‘ariki mau Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and ‘Prophetess’ María Angata Veri Tahi (ca. 1853–1914) – Part I: The Pistol of Nga‘ara – SUPPLEMENTAL DATA AND ILLUSTRATIONS’, I, https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215712. Also given the local conditions and scarcity of certain raw materials, the Rapanui would have risen with clever and adaptive responses when it came to the use of bone and shells for practical, symbolic, or personal beautification purposes; see Patrick McCoy, ‘Easter Island’, in The Prehistory of Polynesia, ed. Jesse David Jennings (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 148.26 Julio Tadeo Ramírez, Navegando a Rapa-Nui: Notas de Viaje de la Corbeta General Baquedano en su 30o Expedición a la Isla de Pascua el año 1934 [Sailing to Rapa Nui: Notes on the Voyage of the corvette General Baquedano in her 30th expedition to Easter Island in 1934] (Santiago de Chile: SC de Jesús, 1939), 31, quoted in Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 105.27 Here we admittedly use the terms ‘revolt’ and ‘rebellion’ somewhat interchangeably. In some cases, a revolt is considered more localized while a rebellion is a more generalized uprising. In the case of the movement led by Angata in the context of Easter Island, the term ‘rebellion’ is arguably applicable.28 Martina Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia – Their Rise and Spread Immediately after Christianization’, Asian and African Studies 14, no. 2 (2005): 228–42.29 The note could possibly have been inscribed by her husband, son, or an endeared colleague. Given the lack of solid evidence regarding the full literacy of Angata, alternative authors cannot be dismissed. Yet, out of convenience, we theorize that Angata was responsible for the written words.30 Roberto Weber Ch. and Nancy Thiesen de Weber, pers. comm., 2020.31 The authors, TSM and RMS, are similarly open to the following suggestion of Weber and Weber (pers. comm., 2020) with regard to the ‘kind of writing instrument […] used in the inscription’. During their long sojourn on Easter Island, Weber and Weber were told ‘by elderly [Rapanui] persons that, for lack of anything better to use, their predecessors sometimes wrote using pointed charred sticks’. Such ‘pointed sticks’ could have been well employed together with natural pigments to write down the passage in question. Subsequently, ‘this would account for much of the irregularity of the writing, unrelated to Aŋata’s level of literacy’. Weber and Weber, pers. comm., 2020.32 Specifically, the Rapanui did have colouring/painting materials available to them in yellowish-orange and reddish/red-coppery ochre (yellowish-orange due to the limonite iron oxide, and reddish/red-coppery due to the hematite iron oxide); they were collectively known as ki’ea; see e.g., William Churchill, The Rapanui Speech and the Peopling of Southeast Polynesia (Washington: The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1912), 216, kie → ochre, vermilion; Alfred Métraux, Ethnology of Easter Island. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 160 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum Press, 1940), 236, ‘The red dye (kiea) is a red-brown, weathered and mineralized tuff which is found in several places on the island, especially on the western slope of Poike Peninsula’; Sebastian Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu‘a: Historia, Etnología y Lengua de la Isla de Pascua [The Land of Hotu Matu‘a: History, Ethnology, and Language of Easter Island] (Padre las Casas, Chile: Imprenta y Editorial ‘San Francisco’, 1948), 461, ki’ea ‘tierra colorada que usaban para empolvar la cara’ ([Natural] pigmented earth/soil used [by the Indigenous people] to decorate their faces); Jordi Fuentes, Diccionario y Gramática de la Lengua de la Isla de Pascua. Pascuense–Castellano, Castellano–Pascuense. Dictionary & Grammar of the Easter Island Language. Pascuense–English, English–Pascuense (Santiago de Chile: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1960), 761, ‘ki’ea red dust used to powder the face’. The possible association of the yellowish-orangey mineral pigment applied via some kind of ‘pointed stick’ on the front of the back cover of the Bible with ki’ea may be a non-negligible plausibility. Continuing with further possible clues on this matter, another detail comes from Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu‘a, 227–8, while discussing the habits of the Easter Islanders regarding clothing, he writes, ‘También deben haber usado tierra de color para este fin: porque Roggeween [Jacob Roggeveen, the Dutch commander of an expedition of three ships during the voyage in 1721–2], dice que se notaba que pintaban sus capas con tierra roja y amarilla y que, por lo tanto, la pintura no era durable y se desteñía fácilmente al tocarla con la mano’ (Also, they would have made use of coloured earth [= soil] for this purpose: because Roggeween says that it was evident that they painted their cloaks with red and yellow earth [ochre] and, consequently, the paint was not long-lasting and easily undyed when touched with the hand). Ana María Arredondo B., ‘The Art of Tattoo on Rapa Nui’, in Easter Island in Pacific Context South Seas Symposium. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Easter Island and Eastern Polynesia. University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 5–10 August 1997, ed. Christopher M. Stevenson, Georgia Lee, and Frank J. Morin (Los Osos, CA: Bearsville and Cloud Mountain Presses/The Easter Island Foundation, 1998), 360, offers an interesting detail regarding that of the painting of a bodily section on a tapa figure in the Peabody Museum with ki‘ea (reddish earth pigment).33 Specialized information on modern techniques used in the recognition and processing of handwriting is found in Arnold J. W. M. Thomassen and Hans-Leo H. M. Teulings, ‘The Development of Handwriting’, in The Psychology of Written Language: Developmental and Educational Perspectives, ed. M. Martlew (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1983), 179–213; Henri S. R. Kao, Gerard P. Van Galen, and Rumjahn Hoosain, eds, Graphonomics: Contemporary Research in Handwriting (Amsterdam: North Holland/Elsevier Science Publishers BV, 1986); Rejean Plamondon, Ching Y. Suen, and Marvin L. Simner, eds, Computer Recognition and Human Production of Handwriting. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium on Handwriting and Computer Applications held at Montreal on July 20–23, 1987 (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 1989).34 For instance, Jo Anne Van Tilburg, Among Stone Giants: The Life of Katherine Routledge and Her Remarkable Expedition to Easter Island (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2003), 155, does mention that at one point ‘Angata was speaking in a mixture of Rapanui and her own made-up words’ while meeting with Katherine Routledge (of the Mana expedition).35 Vives Solar, ‘Una Revolución en la Isla de Pascua en 1914’, 656, quoted in Foerster González and Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata’, 94.36 Ibid.37 In contrast, McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18, and Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 167, point at ‘Daniera Korohu‘a’/‘Daniel Teave Korohua’ as ‘Angata’s only son from her first marriage’. Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 112, sustains ‘Daniel Corohua’, as ‘el yerno de Angata’ (Angata’s son-in-law). Call him what you will – the historical figure of Daniel Teave Korohua (1872–1914?), closely related to Angata and who tried to win several Rapanui to her cause, gives further justification to his involvement in the 1914 social uprising and to his educational background.38 Van Tilburg, Among Stone Giants, 148.39 Veronica du Feu, Rapa Nui – Descriptive Grammars (London: Routledge, 1996), 85.40 Paulus-Jan Abraham Kieviet, ‘A Grammar of Rapa Nui: The Language of Easter Island’ (PhD diss., Amsterdam Vrije Universiteit, 2016), 491.41 A similar observation is made in Olaf Blixen, ‘La Oclusión Glótica del Pascuense y Algunas Observaciones sobre la Posición del Pascuense dentro del Grupo de Lenguas Polinésicas’, Moana: Estudios de Antropología Oceánica 1, no. 5 (1972): 17.42 Martin Haspelmath, ‘Coordination’, in Language Typology and Syntactic Description, vol. 2, Complex Constructions, ed. Timothy Shopen, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 7.43 Kieviet, ‘A Grammar of Rapa Nui’, 491.44 Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island, 251–2. In the quotation from Routledge, ‘tau’ (= ta‘u) refers to a form of supposed ‘script’ composed of ‘signs’ written by some Rapanui in the early twentieth century.45 Furthermore, if one imagines the strings of pre-missionary noun phrases coded in the still non-deciphered signs (= rongorongo) per the criterion of parataxis (plus the locally instilled ‘poetic’-like strophic measures and ‘metaphorical’ expressions across the different text passages) – it would render the system very hard or even invulnerable to an accurate analysis. We should stress that among the people who felt qualified to contribute to the decipherment of rongorongo through the decades, several have distanced themselves from these criteria. In the end, the proposed decipherments have been essentially incorrect.46 Cf. Peter Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of ‘Cargo Cults’ in Melanesia (New York: Schocken Books, 1957); Neil Gunson, ‘An Account of the Mamaia of Visionary Heresy of Tahiti, 1826–1841’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 71, no. 2 (1962): 208–43; Judith Binney, ‘Papahurihia: Some Thoughts on Interpretation’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 75, no. 3 (1966): 321–31; Caroline Ralston, ‘Early Nineteenth Century Polynesian Millennial Cults and the Case of Hawai’i’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 94, no. 4 (1985): 307–31; John Barker, ed., Christianity in Oceania: Ethnographic Perspectives (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1990); McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17–23; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 91–120; Judith Ward, ‘The Invention of Papahurihia’ (PhD diss., Massey University, New Zealand, 2016), https://mro.massey.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10179/9988/02_whole.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y (accessed 4 Mar. 2019).47 Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia’.48 See Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island.49 M. Riet Delsing, ‘Colonialism and Resistance in Rapa Nui’, Rapa Nui Journal 18, no. 1 (2004): 27.50 Cf. Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of ‘Cargo Cults’ in Melanesia; Barker, ed., Christianity in Oceania: Ethnographic Perspectives; McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17–23; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 171.51 See, e.g., in the local context, the observation of Jo Anne Van Tilburg, ‘Lost and Found: Hoa Hakananai'a and the Orongo “Doorpost”’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 123, no. 4 (December 2014): 386–7, ‘While the underlying cause of the [1914] uprising [on Rapa Nui] was embedded in years of privation, unfair treatment and resentment of colonial management, the match that lit the fuse was the Mana Expedition’s vast quantities of food and supplies, their showy display of wealth, their stiff-necked unwillingness to negotiate for objects collected and, I submit, their removal of the Orongo “doorpost” and other objects’.52 Cf. e.g., Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia’, 241.53 See e.g., McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 19; Štambuk, Rongo: La Historia Oculta de Isla de Pascua, 36.54 Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 115.55 See McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 20.56 Cf. Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island, 149; Delsing, ‘Colonialism and Resistance in Rapa Nui’, 27; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 170–1.57 A photograph of Vives Solar with a group of Rapanui children with the Orongo ‘doorpost’ is reproduced in Van Tilburg, ‘Lost and Found: Hoa Hakananai'a and the Orongo “Doorpost”’, 390 fig. 5.58 Henry Percy Edmunds tops the list of ‘the managers of the Easter Island estate’ in J. Douglas Porteous, ‘Easter Island: The Scottish Connection’, Geographical Review 68, no. 2 (April 1978): 148–9, ‘To appreciate fully the transformation of Easter Island after 1868 it is necessary to trace the cultural origins of the entrepreneurs and their island managers. The Branders, the Darsies, and the CEDIP partners were all from eastern or southern Scotland. Many of the managers of the Easter Island estate, boasting such surnames as Edmunds, Harris, Clark, Sanders, Munro, Morrison, McKinnon, and Murdoch Smith, came either directly from the Lowlands of Scotland or from the Scottish sheep-rearing operations in Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, Australia, or New Zealand’; see also McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17, ‘In 1904, Henry Percy Edmunds, a lowland Scot, came from a stint in Argentina and began a quarter-century of nearly continuous residence as the economic and entrepreneurial ruler of Rapanui’; and Christine Laurière, L’Odyssée pascuane. Mission Métraux-Lavachery, île de Pâques (1934–1935) (Paris: Lahic-Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, 2014), 70, ‘De tous les managers, ce fut précisément Henry Percy Edmunds qui allait rester le plus longtemps sur l’Ile de Pâques, de 1908 à 1933’ (Of all the managers [of the Company], it was exactly Henry Percy Edmunds who was going to stay longer on Easter Island, from 1908 to 1933). Furthermore, Laurière, ibid., 75, specifies, ‘Un an avant l’arrivée de la mission franco-belge, le manager Edmunds quitta l’Ile de Pâques avec son contremaître. Ils furent remplacés par d’autres Écossais, Murdoch Smith (qui vint avec sa jeune épouse …) et un autre administrateur, W. B. Cater’ (A year prior to the arrival of the Franco-Belgian Mission [in 1934], the manager Edmunds together with his foreman left the island. They were replaced by other Scots, Murdoch Smith (who came with his young spouse …) and another administrator, W. B. Cater).59 Some non-Rapanui commentators may have viewed Angata as a ‘sorceress’ or affected with ‘Biblical madness’; for the indigenous members of the community, however, she would become an apostolic emissary of their church; cf. Foerster González and Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata’, 99 note 31; Florencia Muñoz Ebensperger, ‘Sonia MONTECINO, Fuegos, Hornos y Donaciones. Alimentación y Cultura en Rapa Nui’, IdeAs [Online] 3 (Winter 2012): 3, describes Angata as ‘una sabia local’ (an indigenous wise woman), who led one of the most emblematic events after the annexation of Rapa Nui by Chile against","PeriodicalId":45229,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"On Two Different Personalities from Old Rapa Nui: Personal Effects of ‘ <i>ariki mau</i> Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and ‘Prophetess’ María Angata Veri Tahi (ca. 1853–1914) – Part II: Angata’s Bible\",\"authors\":\"Tomi S. Melka, Robert M. Schoch\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTIn Part I of this article, we discussed an English caplock pistol that reportedly belonged to the Easter Island (Rapa Nui) King Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and the birdmen motif found on the pistol grip, comparing the pistol’s birdmen figures to similar figures found carved on boulders and rock surfaces on Easter Island. In Part II we turn to a consideration of another seminal individual in the history of the island, María Angata Veri Tahi – the Rapanui ‘Prophetess’ and chief organizer of the 1914 rebellion against the Compañía Explotadora de la Isla de Pascua. Thanks to the generosity of the current owner, we have been allowed to study a nineteenth-century artefact that was once in the possession of Angata – an 1849 English Holy Bible. This Bible is of note as (1) in contrast to Angata’s conversion to Roman Catholic beliefs, it is a Protestant Bible, and (2) it features a short inscription in vernacular Rapanui on the inside of its back cover which may have been penned by Angata herself or by another Rapanui under her direction. The present analysis of the Bible (and other associated objects) suggests a number of hypotheses regarding the historical context in which Angata lived and operated, while shedding light on various aspects of the prophetess’s life and activities. Whether raising the spirits of her Rapanui followers against foreign institutions and shifting powers or fuelling a new brand of syncretic religion on the island, Angata’s historical importance merits the attention of modern scholarship.Key words: Bible, bead-/‘button’-like objectscatechistCompañía Explotadora de la Isla de Pascua (CEDIP)María Angata (Aŋata)mother-of-pearl crossRapanui revolt/rebellion of 1914rosary SUPPLEMENTAL DATA AND ILLUSTRATIONSSupplement accessible at https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725.AcknowledgementsIn Part II, we acknowledge the interesting discussions with Gordon Berthin, Roberto Weber Ch., Nancy Thiesen de Weber, Ewan Maidment, Grant McCall, Bernard Hausdorf, Philippe Bouchet, Ellen Strong, Bret K. Raines, and Paulus-Jan A. Kieviet concerning various aspects of the history, ethnography, language, malacology, and bibliography of Rapa Nui. Under this vein, we are most grateful for their input. Any possible lapse along the suggested hypotheses is ours.Notes1 Tomi S. Melka and Robert M. Schoch, ‘On Two Different Personalities from Old Rapa Nui: Personal Effects of ‘ariki mau Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and ‘Prophetess’ María Angata Veri Tahi (ca. 1853–1914) – Part I: The Pistol of Nga‘ara’, The Journal of Pacific History 58, no. 3 (2023).2 We must respect the desire of various dealers, collectors, and owners to remain anonymous; otherwise, we would not be allowed access to their collections for purposes of scholarly study.3 It should be highlighted that the current owner’s interest in the artefact is of a non-religious nature and, certainly, s/he does not practise any form of witchcraft.4 The Holy Bible, The Holy Bible, Containing the Old and New Testaments (London: G. E. Eyre and W. Spottiswoode, 1849).5 See Katherine Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island: The Story of an Expedition (London: Hazell, Watson and Viney, 1919), fig. 30 facing page 145, photograph labelled ‘ANGATA, THE PROPHETESS’; José Ignacio Vives Solar, ‘Una Revolución en la Isla de Pascua en 1914’, Pacífico Magazine 10, no. 60 (1917): 660, quoted in Nelson Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, in La Compañía Explotadora de Isla de Pascua: Patrimonio, Memoria e Identidad en Rapa Nui, ed. Claudio Cristino and Miguel Fuentes (Concepción, Chile: Escaparate Ediciones, 2011), 112 note 8, mentions specifically a long rosary of Angata. In turn, Castro Flores (ibid.) points out, ‘El rosario utilizado por Angata estaba confeccionado con conchas pequeñas, que recibían la denominación de pure. Pure se denominaba a la casa y a la Iglesia. Además, la expresión denota la oración Englert, 1948: 489’ (The rosary of Angata was made of small shellfish, to be known as pure. Pure connoted the home and the Church. Also see the reference in Englert, 1948: 489). Furthermore, the term pure had the meaning of prayer; cf. idem. Consider, however, that there are two basic definitions of the word ‹pure›: pure (1) n. prayer, invocation, v.i. pray, supplicate; pure (2) n. a kind of cowry (cowrie) shell (porcelain-like shell), different species being generally dark or light brown with dots: Cypraea caputdraconis and Cypraea englerti; cf. WoRMSa, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Monetaria caputdraconis (Melvill, 1888)’, http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=570813 (accessed 10 Dec. 2020); WoRMSb, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Naria englerti (Summers & Burgess 1965)’, http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=1075024 (accessed 10 Dec. 2020). There is no word pure that means explicitly church. A church or chapel building (= house of worship) is called a hare pure, lit. house prayer (prayer house); see William Churchill, The Rapanui Speech and the Peopling of Southeast Polynesia (Washington: The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1912), 245.6 See ‘Lettre du R. P. Pacôme Olivier, vice-provincial de la Congrégation des Sacrés-Coeurs de Jésus et de Marie, à Valparaiso (Chili), au T. R. P. Supérieur Général de la même Congrégation, à Paris’, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi – Recueil Périodique des Lettres des Evêques et des Missionnaires des Missions des Deux Mondes, et de tous les Documents Relatifs aux Missions et a l’Œuvre de la Propagation de la Foi 38 (1866): 45–52; Joseph-Eugène Eyraud, ‘Lettre du Frère Eugène Eyraud, au T. R. P. Supérieur Général de la Congrégation des Sacrés-Coeurs de Jésus et de Marie. Valparaíso, décembre 1864’, in ibid., 52–71, 124–38. Although there had been contact with Europeans since 1722, the first Christian missionary to live on the island was Eugène Eyraud, for nine months in 1864. Eyraud returned to the island with other missionaries in 1866. See Steven Roger Fischer, Island at the End of the World: The Turbulent History of Easter Island (London: Reaktion Books, 2005), 92–7.7 Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 113.8 See Steven R. Fischer, ‘Rapanui Group Photo Dated August 1873’, Rapa Nui Journal 5, no. 1 (1991): 3; Grant McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World: Angata’s Cult on Easter Island’, in Papers from the Eighth Pacific History Association Conference, ed. Donald H. Rubinstein (Mangilao, Guam: University of Guam Press & Micronesian Area Research Center, 1992), 18; CONAF (Corporación Nacional Forestal), ‘Plan de Manejo Parque Nacional Rapa Nui’ (Santiago, Chile: CONAF/Ministerio de Agricultura, 1997), 46, http://bdrnap.mma.gob.cl/recursos/SINIA/PlandeManejo/PN%20Rapa%20Nui.pdf (accessed 10 June 2021), ‘Posteriormente, y luego que Bornier incendiara las viviendas de los nativos construidas en la misión de Vaihu, el Obispo de Tahiti ordena a Roussel y al asistente Teodolo Escolan partir de la isla con rumbo a la misión de Mangareva en abril de 1871. 168 isleños fueron trasladados en el buque “Burgoyne”, y un número cercano a los 109 isleños prosiguieron viaje a Tahiti a trabajar con Brander y en las plantaciones cocoteras de la misión católica’ (Subsequently, after Bornier set on fire the dwellings of the natives built in the Vaihu mission, the Bishop of Tahiti orders Roussel and his assistant Teodolo Escolan [Théodule Escolan] to leave the island and head for the mission of Mangareva in April 1871. 168 islanders were displaced aboard the ship “Burgoyne”, and an approximate number of 109 islanders continued the journey to Tahiti in order to work with [John] Brander and the cocoa-nut plantations of the Catholic mission); Patricia Štambuk, Rongo: La Historia Oculta de Isla de Pascua (Santiago de Chile: Editorial Pehuén, 2010), 31–3.9 See George H. Cooke, Te Pito te Henua, known as Rapa-Nui, commonly called Easter Island, South Pacific Ocean. Annual Reports Smithsonian Institution for 1897 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, United States National Museum, 1899), 717–18.10 McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18.11 Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 129.12 Cf. Cooke, Te Pito te Henua, known as Rapa-Nui, commonly called Easter Island, South Pacific Ocean, 718; McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 129–30; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 108, suggests that young Angata could have travelled to the Gambier Islands or Tahiti; in turn, Sofía Abarca, ‘1914. ANGATA, CANTATA RAPANUI’, in Cristino and Fuentes, eds, La Compañía Explotadora de Isla de Pascua, 301, mentions that Angata ‘Fue llevada por los Misioneros Católicos (expulsados de la isla por la Compañía), a Tahití en 1872, en donde estudió en la escuela de catequistas de Moorea’ (She was taken by the Catholic Missionaries (forced to leave the island by the Company) to Tahiti in 1872, where she studied in the school for Catechism in Mo‘orea).13 Cf. McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18, 19.14 Rolf Foerster González and Sonia Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata: ¿Resistencia Religiosa o Secular? Las Complicidades Tire y los Múltiples Sentidos de la Revuelta de 1914 en Rapa Nui’ [100 Years after the Angata Rebellion: Religious or Secular Resistance? Tire’s [= Chile’s] Complicities and the Multiple Meanings of the 1914 Revolt in Rapa Nui], Chungará, Revista de Antropología Chilena 48, no. 1 (2016): 98.15 Ibid., 101 note 29.16 And then there is also the matter of Angata’s interaction with members of the Mana expedition, especially with Katherine Routledge; see Routledge, Mystery of Easter Island. This may precipitate another theory as to how Angata came into the possession of an English Protestant Bible.17 Cf. Marie-Françoise Péteuil, Les évadés de l’île de Pâques: Loin du Chili, vers Tahiti (1944–1958) [The Escapees of Easter Island: Far from Chile, Headed for Tahiti (1944–1958)] (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2004); Fischer, Island at the End of the World.18 ‘patenôtre’ in wiktionary.org, https://fr.wiktionary.org/wiki/paten%C3%B4tre (accessed 1 Aug. 2019).19 Routledge, Mystery of Easter Island, 149; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 117.20 The online source ‘María Angata … … … y la Rebelión de & the Rebellion of 1914’, in https://moevarua.com/en/maria-angata/ (accessed 10 Mar. 2023), relates her parental affiliation as, ‘Maria Angata Veri Tahi, daughter of Hare Kohou (of the Miru tribe [lineage group]) and Veri Tahi a Kau (of the Haumoana tribe [lineage group]) was born in 1854’.21 See e.g., Roy D. Kotansky, ‘Textual Amulets and Writing Traditions in the Ancient World’, in Guide to the Study of Ancient Magic, ed. David Frankfurter (Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2019), 507; cf. in a broader context, J. Scarborough, ‘The Pharmacology of Sacred Plants, Herbs, and Roots’, in Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, ed. Dirk Obink and Christopher A. Pharaone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 138–74.22 For a different Indigenous Pacific context where shell beads were put to use as ‘money’ and/or items of adornment, see Katherine Szabó, ‘Shell Money and Context in Western Island Melanesia’, in Pacific Presences: Oceanic Art and European Museums, vol. 2, ed. Lucie Carreau et al. (Leiden: Sidestone Press, 2018), 38. It should be noted that R. M. Schoch has seen various bead-like objects of both bone and shell from Easter Island in private collections, some of which were strung on plant fibre cords and some of which were strung on cords apparently made of human hair. See Robert M. Schoch and Tomi S. Melka, ‘A Wooden Hand from Easter Island (Rapa Nui), part I’, Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 77/78, no. 1 (2022): 303–17, 313 figs 7 and 8; however, to the best of our knowledge, such artefacts from Rapa Nui have never been subject to a thorough study. To help relieve this deficiency, we illustrate a select handful of such objects in the online Supplement to the present article. Additionally, it should be noted that two bone beads, each in the shape of a human skull, accompanied the ‘Rangitoki bark-cloth fragment’ (collected on Easter Island in March 1869) in its European storage case, a former pocket watchcase. See Robert M. Schoch and Tomi S. Melka, ‘The Rangitoki (Raŋitoki) Bark-cloth Piece: A Newly Recognized rongorongo Fragment from Easter Island’, Asian and African Studies 28, no. 2 (2019): 113–48, 413–17 (figs 1–7). The current anonymous owner of the piece was told by an intermediary collector and dealer that the descendants of the original collector of the ‘Rangitoki bark-cloth fragment’ believed or had the impression that the bone beads were acquired from Easter Island at the same time (March 1869) as the bark-cloth fragment painted with a short rongorongo sequence; even if this were the case, it does not demonstrate that the beads were originally from Easter Island, as they could have been trade items, but it would corroborate that bone beads were valued by the Rapanui.23 As briefly mentioned in note 5, the Rapanui word pure covered very likely a pair of cowry-shell species, namely Cypraea caputdraconis and C. englerti, endemic to Easter Island and Sala y Gómez Island. Cypraea (or Naria) englerti is the second most common of the cowry (cowrie) species from Easter Island, but still much rarer than the most common species (due to C. englerti living in relatively deep waters); the most common species is Cypraea (or Monetaria) caputdraconis (which also goes by other generic names; it lives in shallower waters and is thus more easily collected); cf. WoRMSa, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Monetaria caputdraconis (Melvill, 1888)’; WoRMSb, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Naria englerti (Summers & Burgess, 1965)’. There are additional cowry species around Easter Island in the deeper waters offshore. Note that whereas C. caputdraconis was originally named based on a specimen ‘from Hong Kong, where it was collected’, as stated in James Cosmo Melvill, ‘A Survey of the Genus Cypraea (Linn.), its Nomenclature, Geographical Distribution, and Distinctive Affinities; with Descriptions of Two New Species, and Several Varieties’, Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, series 4, 1 (1888): 214, this species is now considered to be endemic to Easter Island and Sala y Gómez Island; see, for instance, Harald A. Rehder, The Marine Mollusks of Easter Island (Isla de Pascua) and Sala y Gómez (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1980), 5, 67.24 See Ramón Campbell, ‘Etnomusicología de la Isla de Pascua’, Revista Musical Chilena 42, no. 170 (1988): 24, in the caption of a photograph taken in 1965 illustrating a Rapanui dancer with the name ‘Mirto Tuki’. The description Campbell (ibid.) makes of the dress she wears is: ‘traje antiguo hecho con plumas de color blanco y negro, llamado “huru-huru”, adornado por “pure”, conchitas de caracoles marinos’ ([featuring] an old-styled dress made of black and white feathers, called ‘huru-huru’, and embellished with ‘pure’, cowry shells). Evidently, even in modern times, ‘feathers’ and ‘cowry shells’ appear to be important recurring motifs/tokens in the Rapanui cultural tradition.25 Tomi S. Melka and Robert M. Schoch, ‘On Two Different Personalities from Old Rapa Nui: Personal Effects of ‘ariki mau Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and ‘Prophetess’ María Angata Veri Tahi (ca. 1853–1914) – Part I: The Pistol of Nga‘ara – SUPPLEMENTAL DATA AND ILLUSTRATIONS’, I, https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215712. Also given the local conditions and scarcity of certain raw materials, the Rapanui would have risen with clever and adaptive responses when it came to the use of bone and shells for practical, symbolic, or personal beautification purposes; see Patrick McCoy, ‘Easter Island’, in The Prehistory of Polynesia, ed. Jesse David Jennings (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 148.26 Julio Tadeo Ramírez, Navegando a Rapa-Nui: Notas de Viaje de la Corbeta General Baquedano en su 30o Expedición a la Isla de Pascua el año 1934 [Sailing to Rapa Nui: Notes on the Voyage of the corvette General Baquedano in her 30th expedition to Easter Island in 1934] (Santiago de Chile: SC de Jesús, 1939), 31, quoted in Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 105.27 Here we admittedly use the terms ‘revolt’ and ‘rebellion’ somewhat interchangeably. In some cases, a revolt is considered more localized while a rebellion is a more generalized uprising. In the case of the movement led by Angata in the context of Easter Island, the term ‘rebellion’ is arguably applicable.28 Martina Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia – Their Rise and Spread Immediately after Christianization’, Asian and African Studies 14, no. 2 (2005): 228–42.29 The note could possibly have been inscribed by her husband, son, or an endeared colleague. Given the lack of solid evidence regarding the full literacy of Angata, alternative authors cannot be dismissed. Yet, out of convenience, we theorize that Angata was responsible for the written words.30 Roberto Weber Ch. and Nancy Thiesen de Weber, pers. comm., 2020.31 The authors, TSM and RMS, are similarly open to the following suggestion of Weber and Weber (pers. comm., 2020) with regard to the ‘kind of writing instrument […] used in the inscription’. During their long sojourn on Easter Island, Weber and Weber were told ‘by elderly [Rapanui] persons that, for lack of anything better to use, their predecessors sometimes wrote using pointed charred sticks’. Such ‘pointed sticks’ could have been well employed together with natural pigments to write down the passage in question. Subsequently, ‘this would account for much of the irregularity of the writing, unrelated to Aŋata’s level of literacy’. Weber and Weber, pers. comm., 2020.32 Specifically, the Rapanui did have colouring/painting materials available to them in yellowish-orange and reddish/red-coppery ochre (yellowish-orange due to the limonite iron oxide, and reddish/red-coppery due to the hematite iron oxide); they were collectively known as ki’ea; see e.g., William Churchill, The Rapanui Speech and the Peopling of Southeast Polynesia (Washington: The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1912), 216, kie → ochre, vermilion; Alfred Métraux, Ethnology of Easter Island. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 160 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum Press, 1940), 236, ‘The red dye (kiea) is a red-brown, weathered and mineralized tuff which is found in several places on the island, especially on the western slope of Poike Peninsula’; Sebastian Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu‘a: Historia, Etnología y Lengua de la Isla de Pascua [The Land of Hotu Matu‘a: History, Ethnology, and Language of Easter Island] (Padre las Casas, Chile: Imprenta y Editorial ‘San Francisco’, 1948), 461, ki’ea ‘tierra colorada que usaban para empolvar la cara’ ([Natural] pigmented earth/soil used [by the Indigenous people] to decorate their faces); Jordi Fuentes, Diccionario y Gramática de la Lengua de la Isla de Pascua. Pascuense–Castellano, Castellano–Pascuense. Dictionary & Grammar of the Easter Island Language. Pascuense–English, English–Pascuense (Santiago de Chile: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1960), 761, ‘ki’ea red dust used to powder the face’. The possible association of the yellowish-orangey mineral pigment applied via some kind of ‘pointed stick’ on the front of the back cover of the Bible with ki’ea may be a non-negligible plausibility. Continuing with further possible clues on this matter, another detail comes from Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu‘a, 227–8, while discussing the habits of the Easter Islanders regarding clothing, he writes, ‘También deben haber usado tierra de color para este fin: porque Roggeween [Jacob Roggeveen, the Dutch commander of an expedition of three ships during the voyage in 1721–2], dice que se notaba que pintaban sus capas con tierra roja y amarilla y que, por lo tanto, la pintura no era durable y se desteñía fácilmente al tocarla con la mano’ (Also, they would have made use of coloured earth [= soil] for this purpose: because Roggeween says that it was evident that they painted their cloaks with red and yellow earth [ochre] and, consequently, the paint was not long-lasting and easily undyed when touched with the hand). Ana María Arredondo B., ‘The Art of Tattoo on Rapa Nui’, in Easter Island in Pacific Context South Seas Symposium. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Easter Island and Eastern Polynesia. University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 5–10 August 1997, ed. Christopher M. Stevenson, Georgia Lee, and Frank J. Morin (Los Osos, CA: Bearsville and Cloud Mountain Presses/The Easter Island Foundation, 1998), 360, offers an interesting detail regarding that of the painting of a bodily section on a tapa figure in the Peabody Museum with ki‘ea (reddish earth pigment).33 Specialized information on modern techniques used in the recognition and processing of handwriting is found in Arnold J. W. M. Thomassen and Hans-Leo H. M. Teulings, ‘The Development of Handwriting’, in The Psychology of Written Language: Developmental and Educational Perspectives, ed. M. Martlew (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1983), 179–213; Henri S. R. Kao, Gerard P. Van Galen, and Rumjahn Hoosain, eds, Graphonomics: Contemporary Research in Handwriting (Amsterdam: North Holland/Elsevier Science Publishers BV, 1986); Rejean Plamondon, Ching Y. Suen, and Marvin L. Simner, eds, Computer Recognition and Human Production of Handwriting. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium on Handwriting and Computer Applications held at Montreal on July 20–23, 1987 (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 1989).34 For instance, Jo Anne Van Tilburg, Among Stone Giants: The Life of Katherine Routledge and Her Remarkable Expedition to Easter Island (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2003), 155, does mention that at one point ‘Angata was speaking in a mixture of Rapanui and her own made-up words’ while meeting with Katherine Routledge (of the Mana expedition).35 Vives Solar, ‘Una Revolución en la Isla de Pascua en 1914’, 656, quoted in Foerster González and Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata’, 94.36 Ibid.37 In contrast, McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18, and Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 167, point at ‘Daniera Korohu‘a’/‘Daniel Teave Korohua’ as ‘Angata’s only son from her first marriage’. Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 112, sustains ‘Daniel Corohua’, as ‘el yerno de Angata’ (Angata’s son-in-law). Call him what you will – the historical figure of Daniel Teave Korohua (1872–1914?), closely related to Angata and who tried to win several Rapanui to her cause, gives further justification to his involvement in the 1914 social uprising and to his educational background.38 Van Tilburg, Among Stone Giants, 148.39 Veronica du Feu, Rapa Nui – Descriptive Grammars (London: Routledge, 1996), 85.40 Paulus-Jan Abraham Kieviet, ‘A Grammar of Rapa Nui: The Language of Easter Island’ (PhD diss., Amsterdam Vrije Universiteit, 2016), 491.41 A similar observation is made in Olaf Blixen, ‘La Oclusión Glótica del Pascuense y Algunas Observaciones sobre la Posición del Pascuense dentro del Grupo de Lenguas Polinésicas’, Moana: Estudios de Antropología Oceánica 1, no. 5 (1972): 17.42 Martin Haspelmath, ‘Coordination’, in Language Typology and Syntactic Description, vol. 2, Complex Constructions, ed. Timothy Shopen, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 7.43 Kieviet, ‘A Grammar of Rapa Nui’, 491.44 Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island, 251–2. In the quotation from Routledge, ‘tau’ (= ta‘u) refers to a form of supposed ‘script’ composed of ‘signs’ written by some Rapanui in the early twentieth century.45 Furthermore, if one imagines the strings of pre-missionary noun phrases coded in the still non-deciphered signs (= rongorongo) per the criterion of parataxis (plus the locally instilled ‘poetic’-like strophic measures and ‘metaphorical’ expressions across the different text passages) – it would render the system very hard or even invulnerable to an accurate analysis. We should stress that among the people who felt qualified to contribute to the decipherment of rongorongo through the decades, several have distanced themselves from these criteria. In the end, the proposed decipherments have been essentially incorrect.46 Cf. Peter Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of ‘Cargo Cults’ in Melanesia (New York: Schocken Books, 1957); Neil Gunson, ‘An Account of the Mamaia of Visionary Heresy of Tahiti, 1826–1841’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 71, no. 2 (1962): 208–43; Judith Binney, ‘Papahurihia: Some Thoughts on Interpretation’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 75, no. 3 (1966): 321–31; Caroline Ralston, ‘Early Nineteenth Century Polynesian Millennial Cults and the Case of Hawai’i’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 94, no. 4 (1985): 307–31; John Barker, ed., Christianity in Oceania: Ethnographic Perspectives (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1990); McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17–23; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 91–120; Judith Ward, ‘The Invention of Papahurihia’ (PhD diss., Massey University, New Zealand, 2016), https://mro.massey.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10179/9988/02_whole.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y (accessed 4 Mar. 2019).47 Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia’.48 See Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island.49 M. Riet Delsing, ‘Colonialism and Resistance in Rapa Nui’, Rapa Nui Journal 18, no. 1 (2004): 27.50 Cf. Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of ‘Cargo Cults’ in Melanesia; Barker, ed., Christianity in Oceania: Ethnographic Perspectives; McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17–23; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 171.51 See, e.g., in the local context, the observation of Jo Anne Van Tilburg, ‘Lost and Found: Hoa Hakananai'a and the Orongo “Doorpost”’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 123, no. 4 (December 2014): 386–7, ‘While the underlying cause of the [1914] uprising [on Rapa Nui] was embedded in years of privation, unfair treatment and resentment of colonial management, the match that lit the fuse was the Mana Expedition’s vast quantities of food and supplies, their showy display of wealth, their stiff-necked unwillingness to negotiate for objects collected and, I submit, their removal of the Orongo “doorpost” and other objects’.52 Cf. e.g., Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia’, 241.53 See e.g., McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 19; Štambuk, Rongo: La Historia Oculta de Isla de Pascua, 36.54 Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 115.55 See McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 20.56 Cf. Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island, 149; Delsing, ‘Colonialism and Resistance in Rapa Nui’, 27; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 170–1.57 A photograph of Vives Solar with a group of Rapanui children with the Orongo ‘doorpost’ is reproduced in Van Tilburg, ‘Lost and Found: Hoa Hakananai'a and the Orongo “Doorpost”’, 390 fig. 5.58 Henry Percy Edmunds tops the list of ‘the managers of the Easter Island estate’ in J. Douglas Porteous, ‘Easter Island: The Scottish Connection’, Geographical Review 68, no. 2 (April 1978): 148–9, ‘To appreciate fully the transformation of Easter Island after 1868 it is necessary to trace the cultural origins of the entrepreneurs and their island managers. The Branders, the Darsies, and the CEDIP partners were all from eastern or southern Scotland. Many of the managers of the Easter Island estate, boasting such surnames as Edmunds, Harris, Clark, Sanders, Munro, Morrison, McKinnon, and Murdoch Smith, came either directly from the Lowlands of Scotland or from the Scottish sheep-rearing operations in Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, Australia, or New Zealand’; see also McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17, ‘In 1904, Henry Percy Edmunds, a lowland Scot, came from a stint in Argentina and began a quarter-century of nearly continuous residence as the economic and entrepreneurial ruler of Rapanui’; and Christine Laurière, L’Odyssée pascuane. Mission Métraux-Lavachery, île de Pâques (1934–1935) (Paris: Lahic-Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, 2014), 70, ‘De tous les managers, ce fut précisément Henry Percy Edmunds qui allait rester le plus longtemps sur l’Ile de Pâques, de 1908 à 1933’ (Of all the managers [of the Company], it was exactly Henry Percy Edmunds who was going to stay longer on Easter Island, from 1908 to 1933). Furthermore, Laurière, ibid., 75, specifies, ‘Un an avant l’arrivée de la mission franco-belge, le manager Edmunds quitta l’Ile de Pâques avec son contremaître. Ils furent remplacés par d’autres Écossais, Murdoch Smith (qui vint avec sa jeune épouse …) et un autre administrateur, W. B. Cater’ (A year prior to the arrival of the Franco-Belgian Mission [in 1934], the manager Edmunds together with his foreman left the island. They were replaced by other Scots, Murdoch Smith (who came with his young spouse …) and another administrator, W. B. Cater).59 Some non-Rapanui commentators may have viewed Angata as a ‘sorceress’ or affected with ‘Biblical madness’; for the indigenous members of the community, however, she would become an apostolic emissary of their church; cf. Foerster González and Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata’, 99 note 31; Florencia Muñoz Ebensperger, ‘Sonia MONTECINO, Fuegos, Hornos y Donaciones. Alimentación y Cultura en Rapa Nui’, IdeAs [Online] 3 (Winter 2012): 3, describes Angata as ‘una sabia local’ (an indigenous wise woman), who led one of the most emblematic events after the annexation of Rapa Nui by Chile against\",\"PeriodicalId\":45229,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.4000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-07\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"历史学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"HISTORY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"JOURNAL OF PACIFIC HISTORY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

在本文的第一部分中,我们讨论了一把据说属于复活节岛(拉帕努伊)国王Nga 'ara (?(约1859年)和手枪握把上的鸟人图案,将手枪上的鸟人图案与复活节岛上的巨石和岩石表面上雕刻的类似图案进行了比较。在第二部分中,我们转而考虑该岛历史上另一个具有开创性的人物,María Angata Veri Tahi - Rapanui“女先知”和1914年反抗Compañía Explotadora de la Isla de Pascua叛乱的主要组织者。感谢现在的主人的慷慨,我们被允许研究一件19世纪的手工艺品,它曾经属于Angata——一本1849年的英国圣经。这本圣经值得注意的是:(1)与安加塔皈依罗马天主教相比,它是一本新教圣经,(2)它的封底内侧有一个简短的拉帕努伊方言铭文,可能是由安加塔自己或在她的指导下由另一个拉帕努伊人写的。目前对《圣经》(和其他相关物品)的分析提出了一些关于安加塔生活和运作的历史背景的假设,同时揭示了这位女先知生活和活动的各个方面。无论是鼓舞她的拉帕努伊追随者的精神,反对外国机构和权力的转移,还是在岛上推动一种新的融合宗教,安加塔的历史重要性值得现代学者的关注。关键词:圣经,头/“纽扣”状objectscatechistCompañía Pascua岛(CEDIP) Explotadora de la Isla de Pascua (CEDIP)María Angata (Aŋata)珍珠母十字架rapanui叛乱/ 1914年的叛乱玫瑰经补充数据和插图补充可访问https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725.AcknowledgementsIn第二部分,我们承认与Gordon Berthin, Roberto Weber Ch., Nancy Thiesen de Weber, Ewan maid门特,Grant McCall, Bernard Hausdorf, Philippe Bouchet, Ellen Strong,Bret K. Raines和Paulus-Jan A. Kieviet关于拉帕努伊岛的历史、民族志、语言、malacology和参考书目的各个方面。在这方面,我们非常感谢他们的投入。任何可能的错误都是我们提出的假设。注1 Tomi S. Melka和Robert M. Schoch,《论古老拉帕努伊岛的两种不同性格:‘ariki mau Nga’ara的个人影响》(?-约1859年)和“女先知”María Angata Veri Tahi(约1853-1914年)-第一部分:Nga ' ara的手枪,《太平洋历史杂志》58期。3(2023)。2我们必须尊重各种交易商、收藏家和所有者保持匿名的愿望;否则,我们将不被允许以学术研究为目的访问他们的藏品需要强调的是,目前的拥有者对文物的兴趣是非宗教性的,当然,他/她也不使用任何形式的巫术《圣经》,《圣经,包含旧约和新约》(伦敦:G. E. Eyre and W. spottiswood, 1849)见凯瑟琳·劳特利奇,《复活节岛之谜:一次探险的故事》(伦敦:哈泽尔,沃森和维尼出版社,1919年),图30正面第145页,照片标记为“女先知安加塔”;josise Ignacio Vives Solar,“Una Revolución en la Isla de Pascua en 1914”,Pacífico杂志第10期。60(1917): 660,引自纳尔逊·卡斯特罗·弗洛雷斯的《千年宣言》。拉帕努伊岛,1882-1914年,在La Compañía Explotadora de Isla de Pascua: Patrimonio, Memoria e Identidad en Rapa Nui,编,克劳迪奥·克里斯蒂诺和米格尔·富恩特斯(Concepción,智利:Escaparate Ediciones, 2011), 112注释8,特别提到了Angata的长玫瑰经。反过来,卡斯特罗·弗洛雷斯(同上)指出,“El rosario utilizado por Angata esta confcionado conchas pequeñas, que recibían la denominación de pure”。纯粹的宗教信仰和宗教信仰是一样的。Además, la expresión denota la oración Englert, 1948: 489 ' (Angata的念珠是由小贝类制成的,被称为纯净。纯洁意味着家庭和教会。也见Englert, 1948: 489的参考文献)。此外,纯净一词有祈祷的意思;参见同上的。然而,考虑到“纯粹的”这个词有两个基本定义:纯粹的(1)n.祈祷,祈祷,恳求;纯(2)名词:一种贝壳(瓷器状的贝壳),不同的种类通常为深色或浅棕色,带有斑点:Cypraea caputdraconis和Cypraea englerti;参见WoRMSa,“WoRMS分类单元细节- Monetaria caputdraconis (Melvill, 1888)”,http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=570813(访问日期为2020年12月10日);WoRMSb,“WoRMS分类群细节- Naria englerti (Summers & Burgess 1965)”,http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=1075024(访问日期为2020年12月10日)。没有一个纯粹的词明确地表示教会。教堂或礼拜堂建筑(=礼拜堂)被称为纯净、明亮的教堂。 坎贝尔(同上)对她所穿的衣服的描述是:“traje antiguo hecho con plumas de color blanco y negro, llamado“huru-huru”,adorado por“pure”,conchitas de caracoles marinos”([特色]一件由黑白羽毛制成的老式连衣裙,称为“huru-huru”,装饰有“pure”,贝壳)。显然,即使在现代,“羽毛”和“贝壳”似乎也是拉帕努伊文化传统中反复出现的重要主题/象征Tomi S. Melka和Robert M. Schoch,《论老拉帕努伊岛的两种不同性格:‘ariki mau Nga’ara的个人影响》(?-约1859年)和“女先知”María Angata Veri Tahi(约1853-1914年)-第一部分:Nga ' ara手枪-补充数据和插图,I, https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215712。此外,考虑到当地的条件和某些原材料的稀缺,当拉帕努伊人将骨头和贝壳用于实用、象征性或个人美化目的时,他们会做出聪明而适应性的反应;参见帕特里克·麦科伊,“复活节岛”,《波利尼西亚史前史》,杰西·大卫·詹宁斯编(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,1979),148.26胡利奥·塔迪奥Ramírez,纳瓦甘多·拉帕努伊:诺塔斯·德拉·科尔贝特将军巴奎达诺恩苏300 Expedición a la Isla de Pascua el año 1934[航行到拉帕努伊:1934年巴奎达诺将军号护卫舰第30次远征复活节岛的航行笔记](智利圣地亚哥:SC de Jesús, 1939), 31,引自卡斯特罗·弗洛雷斯的《千禧年的历史与繁荣》。拉帕努伊岛,1882-1914”,105.27在这里,我们承认“反抗”和“叛乱”这两个词在某种程度上可以互换使用。在某些情况下,起义被认为是局部的,而叛乱被认为是更广泛的起义。就安加塔在复活节岛领导的运动而言,“叛乱”一词可以说是适用的玛蒂娜·布科夫<e:1>,《波利尼西亚的千禧年运动——基督教化后的兴起和传播》,《亚非研究》,第14期。[00:28 . 42]这张纸条可能是她的丈夫、儿子或一位敬爱的同事写的。鉴于缺乏关于安加塔语完全读写能力的确凿证据,其他作者不能被驳回。然而,为了方便起见,我们推测安加塔应该对这些文字负责罗伯特·韦伯和南希·泰森·德·韦伯,pers。作者TSM和RMS同样对Weber和Weber (pers.)的以下建议持开放态度。Comm ., 2020)关于“题词中使用的书写工具类型”。在复活节岛上的漫长逗留期间,韦伯和韦伯被年长的拉帕努伊人告知,“由于缺乏更好的工具,他们的祖先有时会用烧焦的尖木棍写字”。这种“尖尖的棍子”可以很好地与天然色素一起使用,以写下所讨论的段落。随后,“这将解释大部分不规律的写作,与Aŋata的文化水平无关”。韦伯和韦伯。具体来说,拉帕努伊人确实有黄橙色和微红/红铜赭石的着色/绘画材料(由于褐铁矿氧化铁而呈黄橙色,由于赤铁矿氧化铁而呈微红/红铜);他们被统称为ki 'ea;参见威廉·丘吉尔,《拉帕努伊演讲和东南波利尼西亚的居民》(华盛顿:华盛顿卡内基研究所,1912年),216,kie→赭石,朱砂;复活节岛民族学的Alfred msamtraux。伯尼斯·p·毕晓普博物馆公报160(檀香山:伯尼斯·p·毕晓普博物馆出版社,1940),236,“红色染料(kiea)是一种红棕色,风化和矿化的凝灰岩,在岛上的几个地方发现,特别是在Poike半岛的西坡上”;Sebastian Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu ' a:历史,Etnología y Lengua de La Isla de Pascua [Hotu Matu ' a的土地:复活节岛的历史,民族学和语言](Padre las Casas,智利:旧金山社论,1948年),461,ki ' ea ' Tierra colorada que usaban para empolvar La cara '([土著人民]用来装饰面部的[天然]色素土/土壤);Jordi Fuentes,字典编辑Gramática de la Lengua de la Isla de Pascua。Pascuense-Castellano Castellano-Pascuense。复活节岛语言的字典和语法。Pascuense-English, English-Pascuense(圣地亚哥de Chile: Editorial andr<s:1> Bello, 1960), 761,“ki ' a red dust to powder the face”。通过某种“尖棒”涂抹在《圣经》封底正面的黄橙色矿物颜料与ki ' ea之间的可能联系,可能是一个不可忽视的可能性。 关于这个问题的进一步线索,另一个细节来自Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu ' a, 227-8,在讨论复活节岛居民关于服装的习惯时,他写道:“tambi<s:1> deben haber usado Tierra de color para este fin:porque Roggeween[雅各布·罗格文,1721年至1721年荷兰远征队的三艘船的指挥官],dice que se notaba que pintaban sus capas contierra roja y amarilla y que, poror lo tanto, la pintura no era durable y se desteñía fácilmente al tocarla con la mano](同样,他们会为此目的使用彩色的土[=土壤]:因为Roggeween说,很明显,他们用红色和黄色的泥土(赭石)来涂斗篷,因此,这种颜料不持久,用手触摸时很容易不染色)。Ana María Arredondo B.,“拉帕努伊岛上的纹身艺术”,太平洋背景下的复活节岛南海研讨会。第四届复活节岛和东波利尼西亚国际会议论文集。新墨西哥大学,阿尔伯克基,1997年8月5日至10日,克里斯托弗·m·史蒂文森,乔治亚·李和弗兰克·j·莫林编辑(加利福尼亚州洛斯奥索斯:贝尔斯维尔和云山出版社/复活节岛基金会,1998年),360年,提供了一个有趣的细节,关于皮博迪博物馆用ki 'ea(红土颜料)在一个tapa人物身上画的身体部分关于笔迹识别和处理中使用的现代技术的专门信息见于Arnold J. W. M. Thomassen和Hans-Leo H. M. Teulings,“笔迹的发展”,《书面语言的心理学:发展和教育视角》,M. Martlew编(纽约:John Wiley & Sons, 1983), 179-213;Henri S. R. Kao, Gerard P. Van Galen和Rumjahn Hoosain主编,《笔迹学:当代笔迹研究》(阿姆斯特丹:North Holland/Elsevier Science Publishers BV, 1986);孙清英、李志强、李志强编,计算机识别与人类手写体生产。1987年7月20-23日在蒙特利尔举行的第三届手写和计算机应用国际研讨会论文集(新加坡:世界科学出版社,1989)例如,乔·安妮·范·蒂尔伯格在《石巨人之间:凯瑟琳·劳特利奇的生活和她对复活节岛的非凡探险》(纽约:西蒙与舒斯特出版社,2003年)155页中确实提到,在与凯瑟琳·劳特利奇(玛纳探险队的成员)会面时,“安加塔曾用拉帕努伊语和她自己创造的语言混合说话”Vives Solar,“Una Revolución en la Isla de Pascua en 1914”,656,引用于Foerster González和Montecino Aguirre,“A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata”,94.36同上。37相反,McCall,“震撼(Rapanui)世界的37天”,18,和Fischer,世界尽头的岛,167,指出“Daniera Korohu”/“Daniel Teave Korohua”是“Angata第一次婚姻的唯一儿子”。卡斯特罗·弗洛雷斯,《千禧年的财富与财富》。拉帕努伊,1882年至1914年,112年,延续了“丹尼尔·科罗华”,作为“el yerno de Angata”(Angata的女婿)。无论你怎么称呼他——丹尼尔·蒂夫·科罗瓦(Daniel Teave Korohua, 1872-1914 ?)的历史人物,与安加塔关系密切,并试图为她的事业赢得几个拉帕努伊人,这进一步证明了他参与1914年社会起义和他的教育背景Van Tilburg,在石头巨人中,148.39 Veronica du Feu,拉帕努伊语-描述性语法(伦敦:Routledge, 1996), 85.40 Paulus-Jan Abraham Kieviet,“拉帕努伊语的语法:复活节岛的语言”(博士论文)。Olaf Blixen,“La Oclusión Glótica del Pascuense y Algunas Observaciones sobre La Posición del Pascuense dentro del Grupo de Lenguas polinacsias”,Moana: Estudios de Antropología Oceánica 1, no. 1。5(1972): 17.42马丁·哈斯佩尔马斯,“协调”,在语言类型学和句法描述,卷2,复杂的结构,编辑蒂莫西·肖,第2版(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2007),7.43 Kieviet,“拉帕努伊的语法”,491.44劳特利奇,复活节岛的奥秘,251-2。在劳特利奇的引文中,“tau”(= ta ' u)指的是20世纪早期一些拉帕努伊人写的由“符号”组成的一种假定的“文字”此外,如果一个人想象传教士前的名词短语串按照意合的标准编码为仍然未被破译的符号(= rongorongo)(加上在不同的文本段落中局部灌输的“诗意”般的韵律和“隐喻”的表达),这将使系统很难甚至无法进行准确的分析。我们应该强调的是,在几十年来认为自己有资格为破译朗格朗戈语做出贡献的人中,有几个人与这些标准保持距离。最后,提出的解密基本上是不正确的Cf。 彼得·沃斯利,《号角应当响起:美拉尼西亚的“货物崇拜”研究》(纽约:Schocken Books, 1957);尼尔·冈森,《塔希提岛异象异端的母亲描述,1826-1841》,《波利尼西亚学会杂志》71期,第2期。2 (1962): 208-43;Judith Binney,“Papahurihia:关于诠释的一些思考”,《波利尼西亚社会杂志》75期,第5期。3 (1966): 321-31;卡罗琳·拉尔斯顿,《19世纪早期波利尼西亚千禧年崇拜和夏威夷案例》,《波利尼西亚学会杂志》94期,第2期。4 (1985): 307-31;约翰巴克,主编,基督教在大洋洲:人种学的观点(兰哈姆,医学博士:美国大学出版社,1990年);麦考尔,《震撼Rapanui世界的37天》,第17-23页;卡斯特罗·弗洛雷斯,《千禧年的财富与财富》。拉帕努伊岛,1882-1914年,91-120年;朱迪思·沃德,《帕帕胡利亚的发明》(博士论文)。,梅西大学,新西兰,2016),https://mro.massey.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10179/9988/02_whole.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y(于2019年3月4日访问).47布科夫<e:1>,《波利尼西亚的千年运动》,第48页M. Riet Delsing,“拉帕努伊岛的殖民主义和抵抗”,《拉帕努伊岛杂志》,第18期。参见沃斯利:《号角应当响起:美拉尼西亚的“货物崇拜”研究》;巴克主编,《大洋洲的基督教:民族志视角》;麦考尔,《震撼Rapanui世界的37天》,第17-23页;参见,例如,在当地背景下,Jo Anne Van Tilburg的观察,“失物招领:Hoa Hakananai'a和Orongo“门柱””,《波利尼西亚学会杂志》123,no. 51。(2014年12月):386-7,“虽然[1914年][拉帕努伊]起义的根本原因是多年的贫困,不公平待遇和对殖民管理的怨恨,但点燃导火索的火柴是马纳探险队大量的食物和物资,他们炫耀财富,他们顽固地不愿就收集的物品进行谈判,我认为,他们移走了奥龙戈“门柱”和其他物品。参见例如,buckov<s:1>,“波利尼西亚的千禧年运动”,241.53参见例如,McCall,“震撼(Rapanui)世界的37天”,19;Štambuk, Rongo: La Historia Oculta de Isla de Pascua, 36.54 Castro Flores, ' Ariki, Catequistas y protismo Milenarista。《拉帕努伊岛,1882-1914》,115.55见McCall,《震动(拉帕努伊岛)世界的37天》,20.56 Cf. Routledge,《复活节岛之谜》,149;Delsing,“拉帕努伊的殖民主义和抵抗”,27;图5.58亨利·珀西·埃德蒙兹在J.道格拉斯·波特斯的《复活节岛:苏格兰的联系》中名列“复活节岛管理人”榜首,《地理评论》第68期,第58期。2(1978年4月):148-9,“要充分了解1868年后复活节岛的转变,有必要追溯企业家和他们的岛屿管理者的文化起源。布兰德夫妇、达西夫妇和CEDIP合作伙伴都来自苏格兰东部或南部。复活节岛庄园的许多经理都有埃德蒙兹、哈里斯、克拉克、桑德斯、门罗、莫里森、麦金农和默多克·史密斯等姓氏,他们要么直接来自苏格兰低地,要么来自苏格兰在巴塔哥尼亚、火地岛、澳大利亚或新西兰的牧羊业。另见McCall,“震撼(拉帕努伊)世界的37天”,17,“1904年,苏格兰低地人亨利·珀西·埃德蒙兹(Henry Percy Edmunds)从阿根廷来到这里,作为拉帕努伊经济和企业的统治者,他几乎连续居住了25年”;克里斯汀·劳里,奥德赛·帕斯夸恩。Mission msamtraux - lavachery, le de pques(1934-1935)(巴黎:lahici - ministre de la Culture et de la Communication, 2014), 70,“de tous les managers, ce fut pracimcisacement Henry Percy Edmunds qui allait restster le plus longtemps sur l ' ile de pques, de 1908 - 1933”(在公司的所有经理中,从1908年到1933年,正是Henry Percy Edmunds打算在复活节岛上呆得更久)。此外,lauri<e:1>,同上,75,指出,“在法国-比利时,经理Edmunds quitta l ' ile de pques avec son contrrema<e:1>。”他的继任者,默多克·史密斯(qui vint avec sa jeune)和他的主管w·b·卡特(在法比使团到达的前一年[1934年],经理埃德蒙兹和他的工头离开了这个岛。取而代之的是其他苏格兰人,默多克·史密斯(和他年轻的妻子一起来的)和另一位行政长官w·b·卡特。
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On Two Different Personalities from Old Rapa Nui: Personal Effects of ‘ ariki mau Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and ‘Prophetess’ María Angata Veri Tahi (ca. 1853–1914) – Part II: Angata’s Bible
ABSTRACTIn Part I of this article, we discussed an English caplock pistol that reportedly belonged to the Easter Island (Rapa Nui) King Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and the birdmen motif found on the pistol grip, comparing the pistol’s birdmen figures to similar figures found carved on boulders and rock surfaces on Easter Island. In Part II we turn to a consideration of another seminal individual in the history of the island, María Angata Veri Tahi – the Rapanui ‘Prophetess’ and chief organizer of the 1914 rebellion against the Compañía Explotadora de la Isla de Pascua. Thanks to the generosity of the current owner, we have been allowed to study a nineteenth-century artefact that was once in the possession of Angata – an 1849 English Holy Bible. This Bible is of note as (1) in contrast to Angata’s conversion to Roman Catholic beliefs, it is a Protestant Bible, and (2) it features a short inscription in vernacular Rapanui on the inside of its back cover which may have been penned by Angata herself or by another Rapanui under her direction. The present analysis of the Bible (and other associated objects) suggests a number of hypotheses regarding the historical context in which Angata lived and operated, while shedding light on various aspects of the prophetess’s life and activities. Whether raising the spirits of her Rapanui followers against foreign institutions and shifting powers or fuelling a new brand of syncretic religion on the island, Angata’s historical importance merits the attention of modern scholarship.Key words: Bible, bead-/‘button’-like objectscatechistCompañía Explotadora de la Isla de Pascua (CEDIP)María Angata (Aŋata)mother-of-pearl crossRapanui revolt/rebellion of 1914rosary SUPPLEMENTAL DATA AND ILLUSTRATIONSSupplement accessible at https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215725.AcknowledgementsIn Part II, we acknowledge the interesting discussions with Gordon Berthin, Roberto Weber Ch., Nancy Thiesen de Weber, Ewan Maidment, Grant McCall, Bernard Hausdorf, Philippe Bouchet, Ellen Strong, Bret K. Raines, and Paulus-Jan A. Kieviet concerning various aspects of the history, ethnography, language, malacology, and bibliography of Rapa Nui. Under this vein, we are most grateful for their input. Any possible lapse along the suggested hypotheses is ours.Notes1 Tomi S. Melka and Robert M. Schoch, ‘On Two Different Personalities from Old Rapa Nui: Personal Effects of ‘ariki mau Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and ‘Prophetess’ María Angata Veri Tahi (ca. 1853–1914) – Part I: The Pistol of Nga‘ara’, The Journal of Pacific History 58, no. 3 (2023).2 We must respect the desire of various dealers, collectors, and owners to remain anonymous; otherwise, we would not be allowed access to their collections for purposes of scholarly study.3 It should be highlighted that the current owner’s interest in the artefact is of a non-religious nature and, certainly, s/he does not practise any form of witchcraft.4 The Holy Bible, The Holy Bible, Containing the Old and New Testaments (London: G. E. Eyre and W. Spottiswoode, 1849).5 See Katherine Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island: The Story of an Expedition (London: Hazell, Watson and Viney, 1919), fig. 30 facing page 145, photograph labelled ‘ANGATA, THE PROPHETESS’; José Ignacio Vives Solar, ‘Una Revolución en la Isla de Pascua en 1914’, Pacífico Magazine 10, no. 60 (1917): 660, quoted in Nelson Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, in La Compañía Explotadora de Isla de Pascua: Patrimonio, Memoria e Identidad en Rapa Nui, ed. Claudio Cristino and Miguel Fuentes (Concepción, Chile: Escaparate Ediciones, 2011), 112 note 8, mentions specifically a long rosary of Angata. In turn, Castro Flores (ibid.) points out, ‘El rosario utilizado por Angata estaba confeccionado con conchas pequeñas, que recibían la denominación de pure. Pure se denominaba a la casa y a la Iglesia. Además, la expresión denota la oración Englert, 1948: 489’ (The rosary of Angata was made of small shellfish, to be known as pure. Pure connoted the home and the Church. Also see the reference in Englert, 1948: 489). Furthermore, the term pure had the meaning of prayer; cf. idem. Consider, however, that there are two basic definitions of the word ‹pure›: pure (1) n. prayer, invocation, v.i. pray, supplicate; pure (2) n. a kind of cowry (cowrie) shell (porcelain-like shell), different species being generally dark or light brown with dots: Cypraea caputdraconis and Cypraea englerti; cf. WoRMSa, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Monetaria caputdraconis (Melvill, 1888)’, http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=570813 (accessed 10 Dec. 2020); WoRMSb, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Naria englerti (Summers & Burgess 1965)’, http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=1075024 (accessed 10 Dec. 2020). There is no word pure that means explicitly church. A church or chapel building (= house of worship) is called a hare pure, lit. house prayer (prayer house); see William Churchill, The Rapanui Speech and the Peopling of Southeast Polynesia (Washington: The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1912), 245.6 See ‘Lettre du R. P. Pacôme Olivier, vice-provincial de la Congrégation des Sacrés-Coeurs de Jésus et de Marie, à Valparaiso (Chili), au T. R. P. Supérieur Général de la même Congrégation, à Paris’, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi – Recueil Périodique des Lettres des Evêques et des Missionnaires des Missions des Deux Mondes, et de tous les Documents Relatifs aux Missions et a l’Œuvre de la Propagation de la Foi 38 (1866): 45–52; Joseph-Eugène Eyraud, ‘Lettre du Frère Eugène Eyraud, au T. R. P. Supérieur Général de la Congrégation des Sacrés-Coeurs de Jésus et de Marie. Valparaíso, décembre 1864’, in ibid., 52–71, 124–38. Although there had been contact with Europeans since 1722, the first Christian missionary to live on the island was Eugène Eyraud, for nine months in 1864. Eyraud returned to the island with other missionaries in 1866. See Steven Roger Fischer, Island at the End of the World: The Turbulent History of Easter Island (London: Reaktion Books, 2005), 92–7.7 Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 113.8 See Steven R. Fischer, ‘Rapanui Group Photo Dated August 1873’, Rapa Nui Journal 5, no. 1 (1991): 3; Grant McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World: Angata’s Cult on Easter Island’, in Papers from the Eighth Pacific History Association Conference, ed. Donald H. Rubinstein (Mangilao, Guam: University of Guam Press & Micronesian Area Research Center, 1992), 18; CONAF (Corporación Nacional Forestal), ‘Plan de Manejo Parque Nacional Rapa Nui’ (Santiago, Chile: CONAF/Ministerio de Agricultura, 1997), 46, http://bdrnap.mma.gob.cl/recursos/SINIA/PlandeManejo/PN%20Rapa%20Nui.pdf (accessed 10 June 2021), ‘Posteriormente, y luego que Bornier incendiara las viviendas de los nativos construidas en la misión de Vaihu, el Obispo de Tahiti ordena a Roussel y al asistente Teodolo Escolan partir de la isla con rumbo a la misión de Mangareva en abril de 1871. 168 isleños fueron trasladados en el buque “Burgoyne”, y un número cercano a los 109 isleños prosiguieron viaje a Tahiti a trabajar con Brander y en las plantaciones cocoteras de la misión católica’ (Subsequently, after Bornier set on fire the dwellings of the natives built in the Vaihu mission, the Bishop of Tahiti orders Roussel and his assistant Teodolo Escolan [Théodule Escolan] to leave the island and head for the mission of Mangareva in April 1871. 168 islanders were displaced aboard the ship “Burgoyne”, and an approximate number of 109 islanders continued the journey to Tahiti in order to work with [John] Brander and the cocoa-nut plantations of the Catholic mission); Patricia Štambuk, Rongo: La Historia Oculta de Isla de Pascua (Santiago de Chile: Editorial Pehuén, 2010), 31–3.9 See George H. Cooke, Te Pito te Henua, known as Rapa-Nui, commonly called Easter Island, South Pacific Ocean. Annual Reports Smithsonian Institution for 1897 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, United States National Museum, 1899), 717–18.10 McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18.11 Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 129.12 Cf. Cooke, Te Pito te Henua, known as Rapa-Nui, commonly called Easter Island, South Pacific Ocean, 718; McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 129–30; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 108, suggests that young Angata could have travelled to the Gambier Islands or Tahiti; in turn, Sofía Abarca, ‘1914. ANGATA, CANTATA RAPANUI’, in Cristino and Fuentes, eds, La Compañía Explotadora de Isla de Pascua, 301, mentions that Angata ‘Fue llevada por los Misioneros Católicos (expulsados de la isla por la Compañía), a Tahití en 1872, en donde estudió en la escuela de catequistas de Moorea’ (She was taken by the Catholic Missionaries (forced to leave the island by the Company) to Tahiti in 1872, where she studied in the school for Catechism in Mo‘orea).13 Cf. McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18, 19.14 Rolf Foerster González and Sonia Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata: ¿Resistencia Religiosa o Secular? Las Complicidades Tire y los Múltiples Sentidos de la Revuelta de 1914 en Rapa Nui’ [100 Years after the Angata Rebellion: Religious or Secular Resistance? Tire’s [= Chile’s] Complicities and the Multiple Meanings of the 1914 Revolt in Rapa Nui], Chungará, Revista de Antropología Chilena 48, no. 1 (2016): 98.15 Ibid., 101 note 29.16 And then there is also the matter of Angata’s interaction with members of the Mana expedition, especially with Katherine Routledge; see Routledge, Mystery of Easter Island. This may precipitate another theory as to how Angata came into the possession of an English Protestant Bible.17 Cf. Marie-Françoise Péteuil, Les évadés de l’île de Pâques: Loin du Chili, vers Tahiti (1944–1958) [The Escapees of Easter Island: Far from Chile, Headed for Tahiti (1944–1958)] (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2004); Fischer, Island at the End of the World.18 ‘patenôtre’ in wiktionary.org, https://fr.wiktionary.org/wiki/paten%C3%B4tre (accessed 1 Aug. 2019).19 Routledge, Mystery of Easter Island, 149; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 117.20 The online source ‘María Angata … … … y la Rebelión de & the Rebellion of 1914’, in https://moevarua.com/en/maria-angata/ (accessed 10 Mar. 2023), relates her parental affiliation as, ‘Maria Angata Veri Tahi, daughter of Hare Kohou (of the Miru tribe [lineage group]) and Veri Tahi a Kau (of the Haumoana tribe [lineage group]) was born in 1854’.21 See e.g., Roy D. Kotansky, ‘Textual Amulets and Writing Traditions in the Ancient World’, in Guide to the Study of Ancient Magic, ed. David Frankfurter (Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2019), 507; cf. in a broader context, J. Scarborough, ‘The Pharmacology of Sacred Plants, Herbs, and Roots’, in Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, ed. Dirk Obink and Christopher A. Pharaone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 138–74.22 For a different Indigenous Pacific context where shell beads were put to use as ‘money’ and/or items of adornment, see Katherine Szabó, ‘Shell Money and Context in Western Island Melanesia’, in Pacific Presences: Oceanic Art and European Museums, vol. 2, ed. Lucie Carreau et al. (Leiden: Sidestone Press, 2018), 38. It should be noted that R. M. Schoch has seen various bead-like objects of both bone and shell from Easter Island in private collections, some of which were strung on plant fibre cords and some of which were strung on cords apparently made of human hair. See Robert M. Schoch and Tomi S. Melka, ‘A Wooden Hand from Easter Island (Rapa Nui), part I’, Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 77/78, no. 1 (2022): 303–17, 313 figs 7 and 8; however, to the best of our knowledge, such artefacts from Rapa Nui have never been subject to a thorough study. To help relieve this deficiency, we illustrate a select handful of such objects in the online Supplement to the present article. Additionally, it should be noted that two bone beads, each in the shape of a human skull, accompanied the ‘Rangitoki bark-cloth fragment’ (collected on Easter Island in March 1869) in its European storage case, a former pocket watchcase. See Robert M. Schoch and Tomi S. Melka, ‘The Rangitoki (Raŋitoki) Bark-cloth Piece: A Newly Recognized rongorongo Fragment from Easter Island’, Asian and African Studies 28, no. 2 (2019): 113–48, 413–17 (figs 1–7). The current anonymous owner of the piece was told by an intermediary collector and dealer that the descendants of the original collector of the ‘Rangitoki bark-cloth fragment’ believed or had the impression that the bone beads were acquired from Easter Island at the same time (March 1869) as the bark-cloth fragment painted with a short rongorongo sequence; even if this were the case, it does not demonstrate that the beads were originally from Easter Island, as they could have been trade items, but it would corroborate that bone beads were valued by the Rapanui.23 As briefly mentioned in note 5, the Rapanui word pure covered very likely a pair of cowry-shell species, namely Cypraea caputdraconis and C. englerti, endemic to Easter Island and Sala y Gómez Island. Cypraea (or Naria) englerti is the second most common of the cowry (cowrie) species from Easter Island, but still much rarer than the most common species (due to C. englerti living in relatively deep waters); the most common species is Cypraea (or Monetaria) caputdraconis (which also goes by other generic names; it lives in shallower waters and is thus more easily collected); cf. WoRMSa, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Monetaria caputdraconis (Melvill, 1888)’; WoRMSb, ‘WoRMS taxon details – Naria englerti (Summers & Burgess, 1965)’. There are additional cowry species around Easter Island in the deeper waters offshore. Note that whereas C. caputdraconis was originally named based on a specimen ‘from Hong Kong, where it was collected’, as stated in James Cosmo Melvill, ‘A Survey of the Genus Cypraea (Linn.), its Nomenclature, Geographical Distribution, and Distinctive Affinities; with Descriptions of Two New Species, and Several Varieties’, Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, series 4, 1 (1888): 214, this species is now considered to be endemic to Easter Island and Sala y Gómez Island; see, for instance, Harald A. Rehder, The Marine Mollusks of Easter Island (Isla de Pascua) and Sala y Gómez (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1980), 5, 67.24 See Ramón Campbell, ‘Etnomusicología de la Isla de Pascua’, Revista Musical Chilena 42, no. 170 (1988): 24, in the caption of a photograph taken in 1965 illustrating a Rapanui dancer with the name ‘Mirto Tuki’. The description Campbell (ibid.) makes of the dress she wears is: ‘traje antiguo hecho con plumas de color blanco y negro, llamado “huru-huru”, adornado por “pure”, conchitas de caracoles marinos’ ([featuring] an old-styled dress made of black and white feathers, called ‘huru-huru’, and embellished with ‘pure’, cowry shells). Evidently, even in modern times, ‘feathers’ and ‘cowry shells’ appear to be important recurring motifs/tokens in the Rapanui cultural tradition.25 Tomi S. Melka and Robert M. Schoch, ‘On Two Different Personalities from Old Rapa Nui: Personal Effects of ‘ariki mau Nga‘ara (? – ca. 1859) and ‘Prophetess’ María Angata Veri Tahi (ca. 1853–1914) – Part I: The Pistol of Nga‘ara – SUPPLEMENTAL DATA AND ILLUSTRATIONS’, I, https://doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2023.2215712. Also given the local conditions and scarcity of certain raw materials, the Rapanui would have risen with clever and adaptive responses when it came to the use of bone and shells for practical, symbolic, or personal beautification purposes; see Patrick McCoy, ‘Easter Island’, in The Prehistory of Polynesia, ed. Jesse David Jennings (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 148.26 Julio Tadeo Ramírez, Navegando a Rapa-Nui: Notas de Viaje de la Corbeta General Baquedano en su 30o Expedición a la Isla de Pascua el año 1934 [Sailing to Rapa Nui: Notes on the Voyage of the corvette General Baquedano in her 30th expedition to Easter Island in 1934] (Santiago de Chile: SC de Jesús, 1939), 31, quoted in Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 105.27 Here we admittedly use the terms ‘revolt’ and ‘rebellion’ somewhat interchangeably. In some cases, a revolt is considered more localized while a rebellion is a more generalized uprising. In the case of the movement led by Angata in the context of Easter Island, the term ‘rebellion’ is arguably applicable.28 Martina Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia – Their Rise and Spread Immediately after Christianization’, Asian and African Studies 14, no. 2 (2005): 228–42.29 The note could possibly have been inscribed by her husband, son, or an endeared colleague. Given the lack of solid evidence regarding the full literacy of Angata, alternative authors cannot be dismissed. Yet, out of convenience, we theorize that Angata was responsible for the written words.30 Roberto Weber Ch. and Nancy Thiesen de Weber, pers. comm., 2020.31 The authors, TSM and RMS, are similarly open to the following suggestion of Weber and Weber (pers. comm., 2020) with regard to the ‘kind of writing instrument […] used in the inscription’. During their long sojourn on Easter Island, Weber and Weber were told ‘by elderly [Rapanui] persons that, for lack of anything better to use, their predecessors sometimes wrote using pointed charred sticks’. Such ‘pointed sticks’ could have been well employed together with natural pigments to write down the passage in question. Subsequently, ‘this would account for much of the irregularity of the writing, unrelated to Aŋata’s level of literacy’. Weber and Weber, pers. comm., 2020.32 Specifically, the Rapanui did have colouring/painting materials available to them in yellowish-orange and reddish/red-coppery ochre (yellowish-orange due to the limonite iron oxide, and reddish/red-coppery due to the hematite iron oxide); they were collectively known as ki’ea; see e.g., William Churchill, The Rapanui Speech and the Peopling of Southeast Polynesia (Washington: The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1912), 216, kie → ochre, vermilion; Alfred Métraux, Ethnology of Easter Island. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 160 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum Press, 1940), 236, ‘The red dye (kiea) is a red-brown, weathered and mineralized tuff which is found in several places on the island, especially on the western slope of Poike Peninsula’; Sebastian Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu‘a: Historia, Etnología y Lengua de la Isla de Pascua [The Land of Hotu Matu‘a: History, Ethnology, and Language of Easter Island] (Padre las Casas, Chile: Imprenta y Editorial ‘San Francisco’, 1948), 461, ki’ea ‘tierra colorada que usaban para empolvar la cara’ ([Natural] pigmented earth/soil used [by the Indigenous people] to decorate their faces); Jordi Fuentes, Diccionario y Gramática de la Lengua de la Isla de Pascua. Pascuense–Castellano, Castellano–Pascuense. Dictionary & Grammar of the Easter Island Language. Pascuense–English, English–Pascuense (Santiago de Chile: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1960), 761, ‘ki’ea red dust used to powder the face’. The possible association of the yellowish-orangey mineral pigment applied via some kind of ‘pointed stick’ on the front of the back cover of the Bible with ki’ea may be a non-negligible plausibility. Continuing with further possible clues on this matter, another detail comes from Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu‘a, 227–8, while discussing the habits of the Easter Islanders regarding clothing, he writes, ‘También deben haber usado tierra de color para este fin: porque Roggeween [Jacob Roggeveen, the Dutch commander of an expedition of three ships during the voyage in 1721–2], dice que se notaba que pintaban sus capas con tierra roja y amarilla y que, por lo tanto, la pintura no era durable y se desteñía fácilmente al tocarla con la mano’ (Also, they would have made use of coloured earth [= soil] for this purpose: because Roggeween says that it was evident that they painted their cloaks with red and yellow earth [ochre] and, consequently, the paint was not long-lasting and easily undyed when touched with the hand). Ana María Arredondo B., ‘The Art of Tattoo on Rapa Nui’, in Easter Island in Pacific Context South Seas Symposium. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Easter Island and Eastern Polynesia. University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 5–10 August 1997, ed. Christopher M. Stevenson, Georgia Lee, and Frank J. Morin (Los Osos, CA: Bearsville and Cloud Mountain Presses/The Easter Island Foundation, 1998), 360, offers an interesting detail regarding that of the painting of a bodily section on a tapa figure in the Peabody Museum with ki‘ea (reddish earth pigment).33 Specialized information on modern techniques used in the recognition and processing of handwriting is found in Arnold J. W. M. Thomassen and Hans-Leo H. M. Teulings, ‘The Development of Handwriting’, in The Psychology of Written Language: Developmental and Educational Perspectives, ed. M. Martlew (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1983), 179–213; Henri S. R. Kao, Gerard P. Van Galen, and Rumjahn Hoosain, eds, Graphonomics: Contemporary Research in Handwriting (Amsterdam: North Holland/Elsevier Science Publishers BV, 1986); Rejean Plamondon, Ching Y. Suen, and Marvin L. Simner, eds, Computer Recognition and Human Production of Handwriting. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium on Handwriting and Computer Applications held at Montreal on July 20–23, 1987 (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 1989).34 For instance, Jo Anne Van Tilburg, Among Stone Giants: The Life of Katherine Routledge and Her Remarkable Expedition to Easter Island (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2003), 155, does mention that at one point ‘Angata was speaking in a mixture of Rapanui and her own made-up words’ while meeting with Katherine Routledge (of the Mana expedition).35 Vives Solar, ‘Una Revolución en la Isla de Pascua en 1914’, 656, quoted in Foerster González and Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata’, 94.36 Ibid.37 In contrast, McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 18, and Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 167, point at ‘Daniera Korohu‘a’/‘Daniel Teave Korohua’ as ‘Angata’s only son from her first marriage’. Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 112, sustains ‘Daniel Corohua’, as ‘el yerno de Angata’ (Angata’s son-in-law). Call him what you will – the historical figure of Daniel Teave Korohua (1872–1914?), closely related to Angata and who tried to win several Rapanui to her cause, gives further justification to his involvement in the 1914 social uprising and to his educational background.38 Van Tilburg, Among Stone Giants, 148.39 Veronica du Feu, Rapa Nui – Descriptive Grammars (London: Routledge, 1996), 85.40 Paulus-Jan Abraham Kieviet, ‘A Grammar of Rapa Nui: The Language of Easter Island’ (PhD diss., Amsterdam Vrije Universiteit, 2016), 491.41 A similar observation is made in Olaf Blixen, ‘La Oclusión Glótica del Pascuense y Algunas Observaciones sobre la Posición del Pascuense dentro del Grupo de Lenguas Polinésicas’, Moana: Estudios de Antropología Oceánica 1, no. 5 (1972): 17.42 Martin Haspelmath, ‘Coordination’, in Language Typology and Syntactic Description, vol. 2, Complex Constructions, ed. Timothy Shopen, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 7.43 Kieviet, ‘A Grammar of Rapa Nui’, 491.44 Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island, 251–2. In the quotation from Routledge, ‘tau’ (= ta‘u) refers to a form of supposed ‘script’ composed of ‘signs’ written by some Rapanui in the early twentieth century.45 Furthermore, if one imagines the strings of pre-missionary noun phrases coded in the still non-deciphered signs (= rongorongo) per the criterion of parataxis (plus the locally instilled ‘poetic’-like strophic measures and ‘metaphorical’ expressions across the different text passages) – it would render the system very hard or even invulnerable to an accurate analysis. We should stress that among the people who felt qualified to contribute to the decipherment of rongorongo through the decades, several have distanced themselves from these criteria. In the end, the proposed decipherments have been essentially incorrect.46 Cf. Peter Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of ‘Cargo Cults’ in Melanesia (New York: Schocken Books, 1957); Neil Gunson, ‘An Account of the Mamaia of Visionary Heresy of Tahiti, 1826–1841’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 71, no. 2 (1962): 208–43; Judith Binney, ‘Papahurihia: Some Thoughts on Interpretation’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 75, no. 3 (1966): 321–31; Caroline Ralston, ‘Early Nineteenth Century Polynesian Millennial Cults and the Case of Hawai’i’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 94, no. 4 (1985): 307–31; John Barker, ed., Christianity in Oceania: Ethnographic Perspectives (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1990); McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17–23; Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 91–120; Judith Ward, ‘The Invention of Papahurihia’ (PhD diss., Massey University, New Zealand, 2016), https://mro.massey.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10179/9988/02_whole.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y (accessed 4 Mar. 2019).47 Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia’.48 See Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island.49 M. Riet Delsing, ‘Colonialism and Resistance in Rapa Nui’, Rapa Nui Journal 18, no. 1 (2004): 27.50 Cf. Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of ‘Cargo Cults’ in Melanesia; Barker, ed., Christianity in Oceania: Ethnographic Perspectives; McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17–23; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 171.51 See, e.g., in the local context, the observation of Jo Anne Van Tilburg, ‘Lost and Found: Hoa Hakananai'a and the Orongo “Doorpost”’, Journal of the Polynesian Society 123, no. 4 (December 2014): 386–7, ‘While the underlying cause of the [1914] uprising [on Rapa Nui] was embedded in years of privation, unfair treatment and resentment of colonial management, the match that lit the fuse was the Mana Expedition’s vast quantities of food and supplies, their showy display of wealth, their stiff-necked unwillingness to negotiate for objects collected and, I submit, their removal of the Orongo “doorpost” and other objects’.52 Cf. e.g., Bucková, ‘Millenarian Movements in Polynesia’, 241.53 See e.g., McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 19; Štambuk, Rongo: La Historia Oculta de Isla de Pascua, 36.54 Castro Flores, ‘Ariki, Catequistas y Profetismo Milenarista. Rapa Nui, 1882–1914’, 115.55 See McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 20.56 Cf. Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island, 149; Delsing, ‘Colonialism and Resistance in Rapa Nui’, 27; Fischer, Island at the End of the World, 170–1.57 A photograph of Vives Solar with a group of Rapanui children with the Orongo ‘doorpost’ is reproduced in Van Tilburg, ‘Lost and Found: Hoa Hakananai'a and the Orongo “Doorpost”’, 390 fig. 5.58 Henry Percy Edmunds tops the list of ‘the managers of the Easter Island estate’ in J. Douglas Porteous, ‘Easter Island: The Scottish Connection’, Geographical Review 68, no. 2 (April 1978): 148–9, ‘To appreciate fully the transformation of Easter Island after 1868 it is necessary to trace the cultural origins of the entrepreneurs and their island managers. The Branders, the Darsies, and the CEDIP partners were all from eastern or southern Scotland. Many of the managers of the Easter Island estate, boasting such surnames as Edmunds, Harris, Clark, Sanders, Munro, Morrison, McKinnon, and Murdoch Smith, came either directly from the Lowlands of Scotland or from the Scottish sheep-rearing operations in Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, Australia, or New Zealand’; see also McCall, ‘37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) World’, 17, ‘In 1904, Henry Percy Edmunds, a lowland Scot, came from a stint in Argentina and began a quarter-century of nearly continuous residence as the economic and entrepreneurial ruler of Rapanui’; and Christine Laurière, L’Odyssée pascuane. Mission Métraux-Lavachery, île de Pâques (1934–1935) (Paris: Lahic-Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, 2014), 70, ‘De tous les managers, ce fut précisément Henry Percy Edmunds qui allait rester le plus longtemps sur l’Ile de Pâques, de 1908 à 1933’ (Of all the managers [of the Company], it was exactly Henry Percy Edmunds who was going to stay longer on Easter Island, from 1908 to 1933). Furthermore, Laurière, ibid., 75, specifies, ‘Un an avant l’arrivée de la mission franco-belge, le manager Edmunds quitta l’Ile de Pâques avec son contremaître. Ils furent remplacés par d’autres Écossais, Murdoch Smith (qui vint avec sa jeune épouse …) et un autre administrateur, W. B. Cater’ (A year prior to the arrival of the Franco-Belgian Mission [in 1934], the manager Edmunds together with his foreman left the island. They were replaced by other Scots, Murdoch Smith (who came with his young spouse …) and another administrator, W. B. Cater).59 Some non-Rapanui commentators may have viewed Angata as a ‘sorceress’ or affected with ‘Biblical madness’; for the indigenous members of the community, however, she would become an apostolic emissary of their church; cf. Foerster González and Montecino Aguirre, ‘A 100 Años de la Rebelión de Angata’, 99 note 31; Florencia Muñoz Ebensperger, ‘Sonia MONTECINO, Fuegos, Hornos y Donaciones. Alimentación y Cultura en Rapa Nui’, IdeAs [Online] 3 (Winter 2012): 3, describes Angata as ‘una sabia local’ (an indigenous wise woman), who led one of the most emblematic events after the annexation of Rapa Nui by Chile against
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期刊介绍: The Journal of Pacific History is a refereed international journal serving historians, prehistorians, anthropologists and others interested in the study of mankind in the Pacific Islands (including Hawaii and New Guinea), and is concerned generally with political, economic, religious and cultural factors affecting human presence there. It publishes articles, annotated previously unpublished manuscripts, notes on source material and comment on current affairs. It also welcomes articles on other geographical regions, such as Africa and Southeast Asia, or of a theoretical character, where these are concerned with problems of significance in the Pacific.
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A Political History of the Subject: Brij V. Lal on Leadership Editors’ Introduction: Brij V. Lal and the Contemporary Politics of Fiji Coconut Colonialism: Workers and the Globalization of Samoa Coconut Colonialism: Workers and the Globalization of Samoa . By Holger Droessler. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 2022. 304 pp, illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, index. ISBN 9780674263338(hbk). US$41.00. The Anatomy of Frank Bainimarama’s Defeat at the Fiji December 2022 Election Eight Months in the Cook Islands
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