{"title":"以色列在伊斯兰相关问题上的国内政策:初步评价","authors":"Li Haipeng","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2273575","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"AbstractSince its independence in 1948, Israel’s policy on Islam-related issues has long been subordinated to its Arab minority policy. Policy priorities that focused on land resource deprivation and security risk avoidance and its multiple mechanisms for policy implementation highlighted a strategy of securitisation and pragmatism. Since the 1990s, the ascendance of right-wing forces drove Israel’s Islam-related policy towards a tougher line, with its concerns shifting from material and security to cultural and ideological ones and resorting more frequently to coercive measures. In this process, the Islamic Movement in Israel became the main opposition force among the Arab community to respond to and challenge the government’s policy changes. The bilateral mobilisation of Jewish right-wing and hardline Islamist forces amplified the impact of religious issues on the interethnic relations in Israel, which further accelerated the trend of radicalisation, Palestinization, and Islamization among the Israeli Arab community.Keywords: IsraelIslam-related policyIslamArabsIsraeli-Palestinian conflict Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 At the end of 2020, the population of Israel stood at 9,289,760, including 1,957,270 Arabs, representing 21.1% of the total. This figure includes almost 362,000 Arab residents of East Jerusalem who hold ‘permanent resident’ status, but not full citizenship. Thus, the number of Arab citizens of Israel was 1,595,300 at the end of 2020, constituting some 17.2% of the total population. The large majority of Arab citizens of Israel are Muslim (82.9%), and the remainder are either Druze (9.2%) or Christian (7.9%). See Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon, ‘Statistical Report on Arab Society in Israel: Executive Summary 2021’, Ministry for Social Equality & The Israel Democracy Institute (2021), pp. 6–9.2 Sammy Smooha, Israel, Pluralism and Conflict (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), pp. 13–15.3 Ian Lustick, Arabs in a Jewish State: Israel’s Control of a National Minority, Austin (London: University of Texas Press, 1980), pp. 24–27.4 Elia Zureik, The Palestinian in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism (London: Routledge & K.Paul, 1979), pp. 10–20, 26–28.5 Nadim N. Rouhana, Palestinian Citizens in an Ethnic Jewish State: Identities in Conflict (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 14–23; As‘ad Ghanem, The Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel, 1948–2000: A Political Study (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 7–9; Oren Yiftachel, Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), pp. 11–20.6 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 10–14.7 Ahmad Natour, ‘Israel’s Seizure of Islamic Endowments (Awqaf)’, in Nadim N. Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury eds., ‘The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History’, Politics and Society (Mada al-Carmel: Arab Center for Applied Social Research, 2018), p. 86.8 Michael R.T. Dumper, ‘Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987’, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 152–153.9 Moussa Abou Ramadan, ‘Notes on the Anomaly of the Shari’a Field in Israel’, Islamic Law and Society 15(1), (2008), pp. 102–104; Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 136.10 Michael R.T. Dumper, ‘Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987’, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, p. 149.11 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 107.12 Wang Yu, Arab Citizens of Israel: Legal Status, Identity and Their Relations with the State, 1948–2018 (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2018), pp. 99–102.13 Wang Yu, Arab Citizens of Israel: Legal Status, Identity and Their Relations with the State, 1948–2018 (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2018), p. 75.14 Michael Karayanni, ‘Control by Accommodation: Religious Jurisdiction among the Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel’, in Leora Batnitzky and Hanoch Dagan, eds., Institutionalizing Rights and Religion: Competing Supremacies (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), p. 101.15 Michael R.T. Dumper, Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 141–142.16 Hillel Frisch, Israel’s Security and Its Arab Citizens (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 133–137.17 Michael R.T. Dumper, Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 184–188.18 Qadi Ahmad Natour, ‘The Battle over the Muslim Cemeteries in Israel’, in Marshall J. Breger, Yitzhak Reiter and Leonard Hammer, eds., Sacred Space in Israel and Palestine: Religion and Politics (London: Routledge, 2012), pp. 93–95.19 This article adopts the more neutral term of ‘the Holy Esplanade’ to refer to the part of the Old City of Jerusalem commonly venerated by Judaism, Islam, and Christianity as a holy site, instead of other frequently used but disputed terms such as Temple Mount, Haram al-Sharif, Al-Aqsa compound, etc.20 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 128; Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 30–34.21 Ahmad Natour, ‘Israel’s Seizure of Islamic Endowments (Awqaf)’, in Nadim N. Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury, eds., The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History, Politics and Society (Mada al-Carmel: Arab Center for Applied Social Research, 2018), pp. 93–95.22 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 33–35, 53–59, 61.23 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 139–142; Jacob M. Landau, The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967–1991: Political Aspects (Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 38–39.24 Aharon Kampinsky and Shmuel Sandler, ‘The Religious Parties in the Netanyahu Era: The Politics of Israelization’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy, London (New York: Routledge, 2020), pp. 75–81; Buy Ben Porat and Dani Filc, ‘Remember to be Jewish: Religious Populism in Israel’, Politics and Religion 15(1), (2022), pp. 74–75.25 Elie Rekhess, ‘Netanyahu’s Policies toward the Arabs in Israel’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 94–97; Dani Filc, ‘Political Radicalization in Israel: From a Populist Habitus to Radical Right Populism in Government’, in Kristian Steiner & Andreas Önnerfors eds., Expressions of Radicalization: Global Politics, Processes and Practices (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), pp. 126–127, 133, 135.26 Office of International Religious Freedom, U.S. Department of State, Israel (Including West Bank and Gaza) 2021 International Religious Freedom Report, pp. 7–8.27 Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon, Statistical Report on Arab Society in Israel: Executive Summary 2021, Ministry for Social Equality & The Israel Democracy Institute (2021), p. 40.28 Michael Dumper, Jerusalem Unbound: Geography, History, and the Future of the Holy City (New York: Columbia University Press), pp. 130–131.29 Raphael Greenberg, ‘Extreme Exposure: Archaeology in Jerusalem 1967–2007’, Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 11(3–4), (2009), pp. 272–275; Eldad Brin, ‘Politically-oriented Tourism in Jerusalem’, Tourist Studies 6(3), (2006), pp. 123–131.30 International Crisis Group, ‘The Status of the Status Quo at Jerusalem’s Holy Esplanade’, Middle East Report N°159, (30 June 2015), pp. 4–16.31 Yitzhak Reiter, Jerusalem and Its Role in Islamic Solidarity (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 99–107.32 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 94–99.33 Sammy Smooha, ‘Still Playing by the Rules: Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel 2019’, University of Haifa (2020), pp. 226–227.34 Muhammad Al-Atawneh and Nohad Ali, Islam in Israel: Muslim Communities in Non-Muslim States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018), p. 103.35 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 75–78.36 Eliyahu Freedman, ‘Not just Israel’s Ben-Gvir: A new Al-Aqsa provocation is rising’, Aljazeera (May 29, 2023).37 Steve Hendrix and Shira Rubin, ‘In turnabout, Netanyahu courts Arab voters he once called a threat’, The Washington Post, (18 March 2021); Jack Mukand, ‘Campaigning among Arabs, Netanyahu may be trying to pare down votes, not win them’, The Times of Israel, (27 October 2022).38 Elie Rekhess, ‘Netanyahu’s Policies toward the Arabs in Israel’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 97–100.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"27 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Israel’s Domestic Policy on Islam-Related Issues: A Preliminary Appraisal\",\"authors\":\"Li Haipeng\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/25765949.2023.2273575\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"AbstractSince its independence in 1948, Israel’s policy on Islam-related issues has long been subordinated to its Arab minority policy. Policy priorities that focused on land resource deprivation and security risk avoidance and its multiple mechanisms for policy implementation highlighted a strategy of securitisation and pragmatism. Since the 1990s, the ascendance of right-wing forces drove Israel’s Islam-related policy towards a tougher line, with its concerns shifting from material and security to cultural and ideological ones and resorting more frequently to coercive measures. In this process, the Islamic Movement in Israel became the main opposition force among the Arab community to respond to and challenge the government’s policy changes. The bilateral mobilisation of Jewish right-wing and hardline Islamist forces amplified the impact of religious issues on the interethnic relations in Israel, which further accelerated the trend of radicalisation, Palestinization, and Islamization among the Israeli Arab community.Keywords: IsraelIslam-related policyIslamArabsIsraeli-Palestinian conflict Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 At the end of 2020, the population of Israel stood at 9,289,760, including 1,957,270 Arabs, representing 21.1% of the total. This figure includes almost 362,000 Arab residents of East Jerusalem who hold ‘permanent resident’ status, but not full citizenship. Thus, the number of Arab citizens of Israel was 1,595,300 at the end of 2020, constituting some 17.2% of the total population. The large majority of Arab citizens of Israel are Muslim (82.9%), and the remainder are either Druze (9.2%) or Christian (7.9%). See Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon, ‘Statistical Report on Arab Society in Israel: Executive Summary 2021’, Ministry for Social Equality & The Israel Democracy Institute (2021), pp. 6–9.2 Sammy Smooha, Israel, Pluralism and Conflict (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), pp. 13–15.3 Ian Lustick, Arabs in a Jewish State: Israel’s Control of a National Minority, Austin (London: University of Texas Press, 1980), pp. 24–27.4 Elia Zureik, The Palestinian in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism (London: Routledge & K.Paul, 1979), pp. 10–20, 26–28.5 Nadim N. Rouhana, Palestinian Citizens in an Ethnic Jewish State: Identities in Conflict (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 14–23; As‘ad Ghanem, The Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel, 1948–2000: A Political Study (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 7–9; Oren Yiftachel, Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), pp. 11–20.6 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 10–14.7 Ahmad Natour, ‘Israel’s Seizure of Islamic Endowments (Awqaf)’, in Nadim N. Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury eds., ‘The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History’, Politics and Society (Mada al-Carmel: Arab Center for Applied Social Research, 2018), p. 86.8 Michael R.T. Dumper, ‘Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987’, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 152–153.9 Moussa Abou Ramadan, ‘Notes on the Anomaly of the Shari’a Field in Israel’, Islamic Law and Society 15(1), (2008), pp. 102–104; Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 136.10 Michael R.T. Dumper, ‘Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987’, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, p. 149.11 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 107.12 Wang Yu, Arab Citizens of Israel: Legal Status, Identity and Their Relations with the State, 1948–2018 (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2018), pp. 99–102.13 Wang Yu, Arab Citizens of Israel: Legal Status, Identity and Their Relations with the State, 1948–2018 (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2018), p. 75.14 Michael Karayanni, ‘Control by Accommodation: Religious Jurisdiction among the Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel’, in Leora Batnitzky and Hanoch Dagan, eds., Institutionalizing Rights and Religion: Competing Supremacies (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), p. 101.15 Michael R.T. Dumper, Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 141–142.16 Hillel Frisch, Israel’s Security and Its Arab Citizens (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 133–137.17 Michael R.T. Dumper, Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 184–188.18 Qadi Ahmad Natour, ‘The Battle over the Muslim Cemeteries in Israel’, in Marshall J. Breger, Yitzhak Reiter and Leonard Hammer, eds., Sacred Space in Israel and Palestine: Religion and Politics (London: Routledge, 2012), pp. 93–95.19 This article adopts the more neutral term of ‘the Holy Esplanade’ to refer to the part of the Old City of Jerusalem commonly venerated by Judaism, Islam, and Christianity as a holy site, instead of other frequently used but disputed terms such as Temple Mount, Haram al-Sharif, Al-Aqsa compound, etc.20 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 128; Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 30–34.21 Ahmad Natour, ‘Israel’s Seizure of Islamic Endowments (Awqaf)’, in Nadim N. Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury, eds., The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History, Politics and Society (Mada al-Carmel: Arab Center for Applied Social Research, 2018), pp. 93–95.22 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 33–35, 53–59, 61.23 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 139–142; Jacob M. Landau, The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967–1991: Political Aspects (Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 38–39.24 Aharon Kampinsky and Shmuel Sandler, ‘The Religious Parties in the Netanyahu Era: The Politics of Israelization’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy, London (New York: Routledge, 2020), pp. 75–81; Buy Ben Porat and Dani Filc, ‘Remember to be Jewish: Religious Populism in Israel’, Politics and Religion 15(1), (2022), pp. 74–75.25 Elie Rekhess, ‘Netanyahu’s Policies toward the Arabs in Israel’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 94–97; Dani Filc, ‘Political Radicalization in Israel: From a Populist Habitus to Radical Right Populism in Government’, in Kristian Steiner & Andreas Önnerfors eds., Expressions of Radicalization: Global Politics, Processes and Practices (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), pp. 126–127, 133, 135.26 Office of International Religious Freedom, U.S. Department of State, Israel (Including West Bank and Gaza) 2021 International Religious Freedom Report, pp. 7–8.27 Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon, Statistical Report on Arab Society in Israel: Executive Summary 2021, Ministry for Social Equality & The Israel Democracy Institute (2021), p. 40.28 Michael Dumper, Jerusalem Unbound: Geography, History, and the Future of the Holy City (New York: Columbia University Press), pp. 130–131.29 Raphael Greenberg, ‘Extreme Exposure: Archaeology in Jerusalem 1967–2007’, Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 11(3–4), (2009), pp. 272–275; Eldad Brin, ‘Politically-oriented Tourism in Jerusalem’, Tourist Studies 6(3), (2006), pp. 123–131.30 International Crisis Group, ‘The Status of the Status Quo at Jerusalem’s Holy Esplanade’, Middle East Report N°159, (30 June 2015), pp. 4–16.31 Yitzhak Reiter, Jerusalem and Its Role in Islamic Solidarity (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 99–107.32 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 94–99.33 Sammy Smooha, ‘Still Playing by the Rules: Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel 2019’, University of Haifa (2020), pp. 226–227.34 Muhammad Al-Atawneh and Nohad Ali, Islam in Israel: Muslim Communities in Non-Muslim States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018), p. 103.35 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 75–78.36 Eliyahu Freedman, ‘Not just Israel’s Ben-Gvir: A new Al-Aqsa provocation is rising’, Aljazeera (May 29, 2023).37 Steve Hendrix and Shira Rubin, ‘In turnabout, Netanyahu courts Arab voters he once called a threat’, The Washington Post, (18 March 2021); Jack Mukand, ‘Campaigning among Arabs, Netanyahu may be trying to pare down votes, not win them’, The Times of Israel, (27 October 2022).38 Elie Rekhess, ‘Netanyahu’s Policies toward the Arabs in Israel’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 97–100.\",\"PeriodicalId\":29909,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies\",\"volume\":\"27 2\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.5000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-24\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2273575\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q3\",\"JCRName\":\"AREA STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2273575","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
摘要自1948年独立以来,以色列在伊斯兰问题上的政策一直服从于其阿拉伯少数民族政策。侧重于土地资源剥夺和安全风险规避的政策重点及其政策实施的多种机制突出了证券化和实用主义战略。自20世纪90年代以来,右翼势力的崛起迫使以色列的伊斯兰政策走向更强硬的路线,其关注点从物质和安全转向文化和意识形态,并更频繁地采取强制措施。在这一过程中,以色列的伊斯兰运动成为阿拉伯社会中回应和挑战政府政策变化的主要反对力量。犹太右翼和强硬派伊斯兰势力的双边动员放大了宗教问题对以色列种族间关系的影响,进一步加速了以色列阿拉伯社区的激进化、巴勒斯坦化和伊斯兰化趋势。关键词:以色列伊斯兰相关政策伊斯兰阿拉伯以巴冲突披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1截至2020年底,以色列总人口为9289760人,其中阿拉伯人1957270人,占总人口的21.1%。这一数字包括东耶路撒冷拥有“永久居民”身份但不是完全公民身份的近36.2万阿拉伯居民。因此,到2020年底,以色列阿拉伯公民的人数为1,595,300人,约占总人口的17.2%。以色列绝大多数阿拉伯公民是穆斯林(82.9%),其余的要么是德鲁兹派(9.2%),要么是基督徒(7.9%)。见Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon,“以色列阿拉伯社会统计报告:执行摘要2021”,社会平等部和以色列民主研究所(2021),第6-9.2页。Sammy Smooha,以色列,多元化与冲突(伦敦:Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978),第13-15.3页。Ian Lustick,犹太国家中的阿拉伯人:以色列对少数民族的控制,奥斯汀(伦敦:Elia Zureik,《以色列的巴勒斯坦人:内部殖民主义研究》(伦敦:Routledge & K.Paul, 1979),第10-20页,第26-28.5 Nadim N. Rouhana,《犹太民族国家中的巴勒斯坦公民:冲突中的身份认同》(康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,1997),第14-23页;阿斯阿德·加尼姆,《1948-2000年以色列的巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯少数民族:政治研究》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001年),第7-9页;奥伦·伊夫塔切尔,《民族统治:以色列/巴勒斯坦的土地和身份政治》(费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2006年),第11-20.6页。艾丽莎·鲁宾·佩莱德,《犹太国家的伊斯兰辩论:以色列对伊斯兰机构的政策发展》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001年),第10-14.7页。艾哈迈德·纳图尔,《以色列对伊斯兰捐赠的掠夺(Awqaf)》,纳迪姆·n·鲁哈纳和Areej Sabbagh-Khoury编著。Michael R.T. Dumper,“穆斯林机构和以色列国家:1948-1987年以色列和被占领土的穆斯林宗教捐赠(Waqfs)”,埃克塞特大学博士论文,1991年,第152-153.9页,穆萨·阿布·莱马丹,“关于以色列伊斯兰教法领域异常的注释”,伊斯兰法律与社会15(1),(2008),第102-104页;Alisa Rubin Peled,《在犹太国辩论伊斯兰教:以色列对伊斯兰教机构的政策发展》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001年),第136.10页。Michael R.T. Dumper,《穆斯林机构和以色列国家:1948-1987年以色列和被占领土的穆斯林宗教捐赠(Waqfs)》,博士论文,埃克塞特大学,1991年,第149.11页。王宇:《以色列阿拉伯公民:法律地位、身份及其与国家的关系,1948-2018》(北京:社会科学文献出版社,2018),第99-102.13页。王宇:《以色列阿拉伯公民:法律地位、身份及其与国家的关系,1948-2018》(北京:社会科学文献出版社,2018),第75.14页。《以色列境内巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯少数民族的宗教管辖权》,见Leora Batnitzky和Hanoch Dagan主编。Michael R.T. Dumper:《穆斯林制度与以色列国家:1948-1987年以色列和被占领土的穆斯林宗教捐赠(Waqfs)》,埃克塞特大学博士论文,1991年,第141-142页。 16 Hillel Frisch,以色列的安全和阿拉伯公民(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2011),第133-137.17 Michael R.T. Dumper,穆斯林机构和以色列国家:1948-1987年以色列和被占领土的穆斯林宗教捐赠(Waqfs),埃克塞特大学博士论文,1991年,第184-188.18 Qadi Ahmad Natour,“在以色列的穆斯林墓地之战”,马歇尔J. Breger, Yitzhak Reiter和Leonard Hammer编辑。《以色列和巴勒斯坦的神圣空间:宗教与政治》(伦敦:Routledge, 2012),第93-95.19页。本文采用更中性的术语“the Holy Esplanade”来指代耶路撒冷老城的一部分,该部分通常被犹太教、伊斯兰教和基督教视为圣地,而不是其他经常使用但有争议的术语,如圣殿山、Haram al-Sharif、阿克萨大院等。《以色列对伊斯兰机构的政策发展》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001),第128页;Tilde Rosmer,《以色列的伊斯兰运动》(Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022),第30-34.21页。Ahmad Natour,《以色列对伊斯兰捐赠的掠夺》,Nadim N. Rouhana和Areej Sabbagh-Khoury编辑。《以色列的巴勒斯坦人:历史、政治和社会读本》(马达·卡梅尔:阿拉伯应用社会研究中心,2018),第93-95.22页。蒂尔德·罗斯默:《以色列的伊斯兰运动》(奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学出版社,2022),第33 - 35,53 - 59,61.23阿丽莎·鲁宾·佩莱德:《犹太国家的伊斯兰辩论:以色列伊斯兰机构政策的发展》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001),第139-142页;雅各布·兰道,以色列的阿拉伯少数民族,1967-1991:政治方面(牛津:克拉伦登出版社;阿哈伦·坎平斯基和什米尔·桑德勒,“内塔尼亚胡时代的宗教政党:以色列化的政治”,载于罗伯特·o·弗里德曼主编的《内塔尼亚胡统治下的以色列:国内政治与外交政策》,伦敦(纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2020年),第75-81页;Elie Rekhess,“内塔尼亚胡对以色列阿拉伯人的政策”,载于Robert O. Freedman ed.,《内塔尼亚胡治下的以色列:国内政治与外交政策》(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2020),第94-97页;Dani Filc,“以色列的政治激进化:从民粹主义习惯到政府中的激进右翼民粹主义”,载于Kristian Steiner & Andreas Önnerfors eds。《激进化的表现:全球政治、过程和实践》(Palgrave Macmillan, 2018),第126-127、133、135.26美国国务院国际宗教自由办公室,以色列(包括西岸和加沙)2021年国际宗教自由报告,第7-8.27页。Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon,《以色列阿拉伯社会统计报告》。执行摘要2021,社会平等部和以色列民主研究所(2021),第40.28页迈克尔·邓普,耶路撒冷Unbound:地理,历史和圣城的未来(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社),第130-131.29页拉斐尔·格林伯格,“极端暴露:考古学在耶路撒冷1967-2007”,考古遗址的保护和管理11(3-4),(2009),第272-275页;Eldad Brin,“耶路撒冷的政治导向旅游”,旅游研究6(3),(2006),第123-131.30页国际危机组织,“耶路撒冷神圣广场的现状”,中东报告N°159,(2015年6月30日),第4-16.31页。Yitzhak Reiter,耶路撒冷及其在伊斯兰团结中的作用(Palgrave Macmillan, 2008),第99-107.32页。Tilde Rosmer,以色列的伊斯兰运动(奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学出版社,2022),第94-99.33页Sammy Smooha,“仍然按规则行事:Muhammad Al-Atawneh和Nohad Ali,以色列的伊斯兰教:非穆斯林国家的穆斯林社区(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2018),第103.35页。Tilde Rosmer,以色列的伊斯兰运动(奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学出版社,2022),第75-78.36页。Eliyahu Freedman,“不仅仅是以色列的Ben-Gvir:新的阿克萨挑衅正在上升”,半岛电视台(2023年5月29日)Steve Hendrix和Shira Rubin,“反过来,内塔尼亚胡讨好他曾经称之为威胁的阿拉伯选民”,《华盛顿邮报》,(2021年3月18日);Jack Mukand,“在阿拉伯人中竞选,内塔尼亚胡可能试图减少选票,而不是赢得选票”,《以色列时报》,(2022年10月27日)Elie Rekhess,“内塔尼亚胡对以色列阿拉伯人的政策”,载于Robert O. Freedman,《内塔尼亚胡治下的以色列:国内政治与外交政策》(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2020),第97-100页。
Israel’s Domestic Policy on Islam-Related Issues: A Preliminary Appraisal
AbstractSince its independence in 1948, Israel’s policy on Islam-related issues has long been subordinated to its Arab minority policy. Policy priorities that focused on land resource deprivation and security risk avoidance and its multiple mechanisms for policy implementation highlighted a strategy of securitisation and pragmatism. Since the 1990s, the ascendance of right-wing forces drove Israel’s Islam-related policy towards a tougher line, with its concerns shifting from material and security to cultural and ideological ones and resorting more frequently to coercive measures. In this process, the Islamic Movement in Israel became the main opposition force among the Arab community to respond to and challenge the government’s policy changes. The bilateral mobilisation of Jewish right-wing and hardline Islamist forces amplified the impact of religious issues on the interethnic relations in Israel, which further accelerated the trend of radicalisation, Palestinization, and Islamization among the Israeli Arab community.Keywords: IsraelIslam-related policyIslamArabsIsraeli-Palestinian conflict Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 At the end of 2020, the population of Israel stood at 9,289,760, including 1,957,270 Arabs, representing 21.1% of the total. This figure includes almost 362,000 Arab residents of East Jerusalem who hold ‘permanent resident’ status, but not full citizenship. Thus, the number of Arab citizens of Israel was 1,595,300 at the end of 2020, constituting some 17.2% of the total population. The large majority of Arab citizens of Israel are Muslim (82.9%), and the remainder are either Druze (9.2%) or Christian (7.9%). See Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon, ‘Statistical Report on Arab Society in Israel: Executive Summary 2021’, Ministry for Social Equality & The Israel Democracy Institute (2021), pp. 6–9.2 Sammy Smooha, Israel, Pluralism and Conflict (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), pp. 13–15.3 Ian Lustick, Arabs in a Jewish State: Israel’s Control of a National Minority, Austin (London: University of Texas Press, 1980), pp. 24–27.4 Elia Zureik, The Palestinian in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism (London: Routledge & K.Paul, 1979), pp. 10–20, 26–28.5 Nadim N. Rouhana, Palestinian Citizens in an Ethnic Jewish State: Identities in Conflict (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 14–23; As‘ad Ghanem, The Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel, 1948–2000: A Political Study (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 7–9; Oren Yiftachel, Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), pp. 11–20.6 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 10–14.7 Ahmad Natour, ‘Israel’s Seizure of Islamic Endowments (Awqaf)’, in Nadim N. Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury eds., ‘The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History’, Politics and Society (Mada al-Carmel: Arab Center for Applied Social Research, 2018), p. 86.8 Michael R.T. Dumper, ‘Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987’, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 152–153.9 Moussa Abou Ramadan, ‘Notes on the Anomaly of the Shari’a Field in Israel’, Islamic Law and Society 15(1), (2008), pp. 102–104; Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 136.10 Michael R.T. Dumper, ‘Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987’, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, p. 149.11 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 107.12 Wang Yu, Arab Citizens of Israel: Legal Status, Identity and Their Relations with the State, 1948–2018 (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2018), pp. 99–102.13 Wang Yu, Arab Citizens of Israel: Legal Status, Identity and Their Relations with the State, 1948–2018 (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2018), p. 75.14 Michael Karayanni, ‘Control by Accommodation: Religious Jurisdiction among the Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel’, in Leora Batnitzky and Hanoch Dagan, eds., Institutionalizing Rights and Religion: Competing Supremacies (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), p. 101.15 Michael R.T. Dumper, Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 141–142.16 Hillel Frisch, Israel’s Security and Its Arab Citizens (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 133–137.17 Michael R.T. Dumper, Muslim Institutions and the Israeli State: Muslim Religious Endowments (Waqfs) in Israel and the Occupied Territories, 1948–1987, PhD dissertation, University of Exeter, 1991, pp. 184–188.18 Qadi Ahmad Natour, ‘The Battle over the Muslim Cemeteries in Israel’, in Marshall J. Breger, Yitzhak Reiter and Leonard Hammer, eds., Sacred Space in Israel and Palestine: Religion and Politics (London: Routledge, 2012), pp. 93–95.19 This article adopts the more neutral term of ‘the Holy Esplanade’ to refer to the part of the Old City of Jerusalem commonly venerated by Judaism, Islam, and Christianity as a holy site, instead of other frequently used but disputed terms such as Temple Mount, Haram al-Sharif, Al-Aqsa compound, etc.20 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 128; Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 30–34.21 Ahmad Natour, ‘Israel’s Seizure of Islamic Endowments (Awqaf)’, in Nadim N. Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury, eds., The Palestinians in Israel: Readings in History, Politics and Society (Mada al-Carmel: Arab Center for Applied Social Research, 2018), pp. 93–95.22 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 33–35, 53–59, 61.23 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 139–142; Jacob M. Landau, The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967–1991: Political Aspects (Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 38–39.24 Aharon Kampinsky and Shmuel Sandler, ‘The Religious Parties in the Netanyahu Era: The Politics of Israelization’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy, London (New York: Routledge, 2020), pp. 75–81; Buy Ben Porat and Dani Filc, ‘Remember to be Jewish: Religious Populism in Israel’, Politics and Religion 15(1), (2022), pp. 74–75.25 Elie Rekhess, ‘Netanyahu’s Policies toward the Arabs in Israel’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 94–97; Dani Filc, ‘Political Radicalization in Israel: From a Populist Habitus to Radical Right Populism in Government’, in Kristian Steiner & Andreas Önnerfors eds., Expressions of Radicalization: Global Politics, Processes and Practices (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), pp. 126–127, 133, 135.26 Office of International Religious Freedom, U.S. Department of State, Israel (Including West Bank and Gaza) 2021 International Religious Freedom Report, pp. 7–8.27 Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon, Statistical Report on Arab Society in Israel: Executive Summary 2021, Ministry for Social Equality & The Israel Democracy Institute (2021), p. 40.28 Michael Dumper, Jerusalem Unbound: Geography, History, and the Future of the Holy City (New York: Columbia University Press), pp. 130–131.29 Raphael Greenberg, ‘Extreme Exposure: Archaeology in Jerusalem 1967–2007’, Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 11(3–4), (2009), pp. 272–275; Eldad Brin, ‘Politically-oriented Tourism in Jerusalem’, Tourist Studies 6(3), (2006), pp. 123–131.30 International Crisis Group, ‘The Status of the Status Quo at Jerusalem’s Holy Esplanade’, Middle East Report N°159, (30 June 2015), pp. 4–16.31 Yitzhak Reiter, Jerusalem and Its Role in Islamic Solidarity (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 99–107.32 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 94–99.33 Sammy Smooha, ‘Still Playing by the Rules: Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel 2019’, University of Haifa (2020), pp. 226–227.34 Muhammad Al-Atawneh and Nohad Ali, Islam in Israel: Muslim Communities in Non-Muslim States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018), p. 103.35 Tilde Rosmer, The Islamic Movement in Israel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022), pp. 75–78.36 Eliyahu Freedman, ‘Not just Israel’s Ben-Gvir: A new Al-Aqsa provocation is rising’, Aljazeera (May 29, 2023).37 Steve Hendrix and Shira Rubin, ‘In turnabout, Netanyahu courts Arab voters he once called a threat’, The Washington Post, (18 March 2021); Jack Mukand, ‘Campaigning among Arabs, Netanyahu may be trying to pare down votes, not win them’, The Times of Israel, (27 October 2022).38 Elie Rekhess, ‘Netanyahu’s Policies toward the Arabs in Israel’, in Robert O. Freedman ed., Israel under Netanyahu: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 97–100.