Pub Date : 2023-12-22DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2295678
Chang Liu
{"title":"The Cooperation between China and the Gulf Arab States in the Horn of Africa: From the Perspective of the Global South","authors":"Chang Liu","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2295678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2295678","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"4 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138944198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-09DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2289778
Song Niu
{"title":"Hajj Factor in Saudi Arabia and Somaliland Relations","authors":"Song Niu","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2289778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2289778","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"4 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138585582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-14DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2279843
Zhang Yuan, Zhang Zhiyuan
AbstractYemen is a traditional friendly country of China and an important partner of China in the Arabian Peninsula. As a result of the recurring conflicts in Yemen, its economic situation has been deteriorating. China’s bilateral trade volume and direct investment with Yemen have been directly affected by the war in Yemen and have fluctuated significantly. The security and happiness of the Yemeni people and the effective protection of people’s rights cannot be achieved without stable internal social relations and a peaceful external environment. In 2022, President Xi Jinping proposed the Global Security Initiative (GSI), calling on countries to adapt to the profoundly changing international landscape in the spirit of solidarity, and to address security challenges with a win-win mindset. In 2023, China releases the Global Security Initiative Concept Paper. China’s idea for solving the Yemen issue is a theoretical and institutional reflection on war, peace and development based on a reflexion of the unequal world hegemonic order, centreing on equality and the care for humanity.Keywords: Yemen IssueGlobal Security Initiative Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘Director-General of the Department of International Organizations and Conferences of the Foreign Ministry Shen Bo Meets with Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for Yemen Hans Grundberg’, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, (26 May 2023), available at: https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbxw/202305/t20230527_11084714.html; ‘Envoy of the Chinese Government on the Middle East Issues Zhai Jun Meets with Ambassador of Yemen to China Dr. Mohammed Al-Maitami’, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, (13 April 2023), available at: https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbxw/202304/t20230417_11060201.html.2 Su Ying and Huang Minxing, ‘Political Islamic Movement and the Nation-State Rebuilding in Yemen’, Arab World Studies 3, (2016), p. 16; Su Ying and Huang Minxing, ‘An Analysis of Regionalism in Yemen form the Perspective of State Governance’, West Asia and Africa 2, (2017), p. 130.3 Liu Zhongmin and Ren Hua, ‘The Evolution, Cause and Impacts of Extremist Organizations in Yemen’, Arab World Studies 2, (2017), p. 3.4 Zhu Quangang, ‘The Rise of Multiple Armed Forces in Yemen and Its Governance Predicament’, Arab World Studies 4, (2019), p. 36.5 Pu Yao and Tang Binjun, ‘Tribal Factors in Yemen’s Political Crisis’, Arab World Studies 6, (2016), p. 77; Wu Tianyu and Wu Bingbing, ‘The Rise and Decline of Zaydis in Yemen and Political Struggle of Houthis’, Arab World Studies 3, (2018), p. 48; Su Ying and Huang Minxing, ‘The Tribe-State Relationship in Yemen from the Perspective of Social Anomie Theory’, Arab World Studies 4, (2019), p. 70.6 Dong Manyuan, ‘The Yemen Crisis: Impacts and Prospects’, China International Studies 5, (2012), p. 67; LIU Xinlu, ‘Development Trend of Yemen Crisis’, Journal of Internatio
{"title":"China’s Views on Solving the Yemeni Issue Within the Framework of Global Security Initiative","authors":"Zhang Yuan, Zhang Zhiyuan","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2279843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2279843","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractYemen is a traditional friendly country of China and an important partner of China in the Arabian Peninsula. As a result of the recurring conflicts in Yemen, its economic situation has been deteriorating. China’s bilateral trade volume and direct investment with Yemen have been directly affected by the war in Yemen and have fluctuated significantly. The security and happiness of the Yemeni people and the effective protection of people’s rights cannot be achieved without stable internal social relations and a peaceful external environment. In 2022, President Xi Jinping proposed the Global Security Initiative (GSI), calling on countries to adapt to the profoundly changing international landscape in the spirit of solidarity, and to address security challenges with a win-win mindset. In 2023, China releases the Global Security Initiative Concept Paper. China’s idea for solving the Yemen issue is a theoretical and institutional reflection on war, peace and development based on a reflexion of the unequal world hegemonic order, centreing on equality and the care for humanity.Keywords: Yemen IssueGlobal Security Initiative Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘Director-General of the Department of International Organizations and Conferences of the Foreign Ministry Shen Bo Meets with Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for Yemen Hans Grundberg’, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, (26 May 2023), available at: https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbxw/202305/t20230527_11084714.html; ‘Envoy of the Chinese Government on the Middle East Issues Zhai Jun Meets with Ambassador of Yemen to China Dr. Mohammed Al-Maitami’, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, (13 April 2023), available at: https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbxw/202304/t20230417_11060201.html.2 Su Ying and Huang Minxing, ‘Political Islamic Movement and the Nation-State Rebuilding in Yemen’, Arab World Studies 3, (2016), p. 16; Su Ying and Huang Minxing, ‘An Analysis of Regionalism in Yemen form the Perspective of State Governance’, West Asia and Africa 2, (2017), p. 130.3 Liu Zhongmin and Ren Hua, ‘The Evolution, Cause and Impacts of Extremist Organizations in Yemen’, Arab World Studies 2, (2017), p. 3.4 Zhu Quangang, ‘The Rise of Multiple Armed Forces in Yemen and Its Governance Predicament’, Arab World Studies 4, (2019), p. 36.5 Pu Yao and Tang Binjun, ‘Tribal Factors in Yemen’s Political Crisis’, Arab World Studies 6, (2016), p. 77; Wu Tianyu and Wu Bingbing, ‘The Rise and Decline of Zaydis in Yemen and Political Struggle of Houthis’, Arab World Studies 3, (2018), p. 48; Su Ying and Huang Minxing, ‘The Tribe-State Relationship in Yemen from the Perspective of Social Anomie Theory’, Arab World Studies 4, (2019), p. 70.6 Dong Manyuan, ‘The Yemen Crisis: Impacts and Prospects’, China International Studies 5, (2012), p. 67; LIU Xinlu, ‘Development Trend of Yemen Crisis’, Journal of Internatio","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"52 17","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134901867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2273575
Li Haipeng
AbstractSince its independence in 1948, Israel’s policy on Islam-related issues has long been subordinated to its Arab minority policy. Policy priorities that focused on land resource deprivation and security risk avoidance and its multiple mechanisms for policy implementation highlighted a strategy of securitisation and pragmatism. Since the 1990s, the ascendance of right-wing forces drove Israel’s Islam-related policy towards a tougher line, with its concerns shifting from material and security to cultural and ideological ones and resorting more frequently to coercive measures. In this process, the Islamic Movement in Israel became the main opposition force among the Arab community to respond to and challenge the government’s policy changes. The bilateral mobilisation of Jewish right-wing and hardline Islamist forces amplified the impact of religious issues on the interethnic relations in Israel, which further accelerated the trend of radicalisation, Palestinization, and Islamization among the Israeli Arab community.Keywords: IsraelIslam-related policyIslamArabsIsraeli-Palestinian conflict Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 At the end of 2020, the population of Israel stood at 9,289,760, including 1,957,270 Arabs, representing 21.1% of the total. This figure includes almost 362,000 Arab residents of East Jerusalem who hold ‘permanent resident’ status, but not full citizenship. Thus, the number of Arab citizens of Israel was 1,595,300 at the end of 2020, constituting some 17.2% of the total population. The large majority of Arab citizens of Israel are Muslim (82.9%), and the remainder are either Druze (9.2%) or Christian (7.9%). See Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon, ‘Statistical Report on Arab Society in Israel: Executive Summary 2021’, Ministry for Social Equality & The Israel Democracy Institute (2021), pp. 6–9.2 Sammy Smooha, Israel, Pluralism and Conflict (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), pp. 13–15.3 Ian Lustick, Arabs in a Jewish State: Israel’s Control of a National Minority, Austin (London: University of Texas Press, 1980), pp. 24–27.4 Elia Zureik, The Palestinian in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism (London: Routledge & K.Paul, 1979), pp. 10–20, 26–28.5 Nadim N. Rouhana, Palestinian Citizens in an Ethnic Jewish State: Identities in Conflict (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 14–23; As‘ad Ghanem, The Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel, 1948–2000: A Political Study (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 7–9; Oren Yiftachel, Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), pp. 11–20.6 Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy toward Islamic Institutions in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 10–14.7 Ahmad Natour, ‘Israel’s Seizure of Islamic Endowments (Awqaf)’, in Nadim N
摘要自1948年独立以来,以色列在伊斯兰问题上的政策一直服从于其阿拉伯少数民族政策。侧重于土地资源剥夺和安全风险规避的政策重点及其政策实施的多种机制突出了证券化和实用主义战略。自20世纪90年代以来,右翼势力的崛起迫使以色列的伊斯兰政策走向更强硬的路线,其关注点从物质和安全转向文化和意识形态,并更频繁地采取强制措施。在这一过程中,以色列的伊斯兰运动成为阿拉伯社会中回应和挑战政府政策变化的主要反对力量。犹太右翼和强硬派伊斯兰势力的双边动员放大了宗教问题对以色列种族间关系的影响,进一步加速了以色列阿拉伯社区的激进化、巴勒斯坦化和伊斯兰化趋势。关键词:以色列伊斯兰相关政策伊斯兰阿拉伯以巴冲突披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1截至2020年底,以色列总人口为9289760人,其中阿拉伯人1957270人,占总人口的21.1%。这一数字包括东耶路撒冷拥有“永久居民”身份但不是完全公民身份的近36.2万阿拉伯居民。因此,到2020年底,以色列阿拉伯公民的人数为1,595,300人,约占总人口的17.2%。以色列绝大多数阿拉伯公民是穆斯林(82.9%),其余的要么是德鲁兹派(9.2%),要么是基督徒(7.9%)。见Nasreen Haddad Haj-Yahya, Muhammad Khalaily, Arik Rudnitzky, Ben Fargeon,“以色列阿拉伯社会统计报告:执行摘要2021”,社会平等部和以色列民主研究所(2021),第6-9.2页。Sammy Smooha,以色列,多元化与冲突(伦敦:Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978),第13-15.3页。Ian Lustick,犹太国家中的阿拉伯人:以色列对少数民族的控制,奥斯汀(伦敦:Elia Zureik,《以色列的巴勒斯坦人:内部殖民主义研究》(伦敦:Routledge & K.Paul, 1979),第10-20页,第26-28.5 Nadim N. Rouhana,《犹太民族国家中的巴勒斯坦公民:冲突中的身份认同》(康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,1997),第14-23页;阿斯阿德·加尼姆,《1948-2000年以色列的巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯少数民族:政治研究》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001年),第7-9页;奥伦·伊夫塔切尔,《民族统治:以色列/巴勒斯坦的土地和身份政治》(费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2006年),第11-20.6页。艾丽莎·鲁宾·佩莱德,《犹太国家的伊斯兰辩论:以色列对伊斯兰机构的政策发展》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001年),第10-14.7页。艾哈迈德·纳图尔,《以色列对伊斯兰捐赠的掠夺(Awqaf)》,纳迪姆·n·鲁哈纳和Areej Sabbagh-Khoury编著。Michael R.T. Dumper,“穆斯林机构和以色列国家:1948-1987年以色列和被占领土的穆斯林宗教捐赠(Waqfs)”,埃克塞特大学博士论文,1991年,第152-153.9页,穆萨·阿布·莱马丹,“关于以色列伊斯兰教法领域异常的注释”,伊斯兰法律与社会15(1),(2008),第102-104页;Alisa Rubin Peled,《在犹太国辩论伊斯兰教:以色列对伊斯兰教机构的政策发展》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001年),第136.10页。Michael R.T. Dumper,《穆斯林机构和以色列国家:1948-1987年以色列和被占领土的穆斯林宗教捐赠(Waqfs)》,博士论文,埃克塞特大学,1991年,第149.11页。王宇:《以色列阿拉伯公民:法律地位、身份及其与国家的关系,1948-2018》(北京:社会科学文献出版社,2018),第99-102.13页。王宇:《以色列阿拉伯公民:法律地位、身份及其与国家的关系,1948-2018》(北京:社会科学文献出版社,2018),第75.14页。《以色列境内巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯少数民族的宗教管辖权》,见Leora Batnitzky和Hanoch Dagan主编。Michael R.T. Dumper:《穆斯林制度与以色列国家:1948-1987年以色列和被占领土的穆斯林宗教捐赠(Waqfs)》,埃克塞特大学博士论文,1991年,第141-142页。 16 Hillel Frisch,以色列的安全和阿拉伯公民(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2011),第133-137.17 Michael R.T. Dumper,穆斯林机构和以色列国家:1948-1987年以色列和被占领土的穆斯林宗教捐赠(Waqfs),埃克塞特大学博士论文,1991年,第184-188.18 Qadi Ahmad Natour,“在以色列的穆斯林墓地之战”,马歇尔J. Breger, Yitzhak Reiter和Leonard Hammer编辑。《以色列和巴勒斯坦的神圣空间:宗教与政治》(伦敦:Routledge, 2012),第93-95.19页。本文采用更中性的术语“the Holy Esplanade”来指代耶路撒冷老城的一部分,该部分通常被犹太教、伊斯兰教和基督教视为圣地,而不是其他经常使用但有争议的术语,如圣殿山、Haram al-Sharif、阿克萨大院等。《以色列对伊斯兰机构的政策发展》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001),第128页;Tilde Rosmer,《以色列的伊斯兰运动》(Austin: University of Texas Press, 2022),第30-34.21页。Ahmad Natour,《以色列对伊斯兰捐赠的掠夺》,Nadim N. Rouhana和Areej Sabbagh-Khoury编辑。《以色列的巴勒斯坦人:历史、政治和社会读本》(马达·卡梅尔:阿拉伯应用社会研究中心,2018),第93-95.22页。蒂尔德·罗斯默:《以色列的伊斯兰运动》(奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学出版社,2022),第33 - 35,53 - 59,61.23阿丽莎·鲁宾·佩莱德:《犹太国家的伊斯兰辩论:以色列伊斯兰机构政策的发展》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2001),第139-142页;雅各布·兰道,以色列的阿拉伯少数民族,1967-1991:政治方面(牛津:克拉伦登出版社;阿哈伦·坎平斯基和什米尔·桑德勒,“内塔尼亚胡时代的宗教政党:以色列化的政治”,载于罗伯特·o·弗里德曼主编的《内塔尼亚胡统治下的以色列:国内政治与外交政策》,伦敦(纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2020年),第75-81页;Elie Rekhess,“内塔尼亚胡对以色列阿拉伯人的政策”,载于Robert O. Freedman ed.,《内塔尼亚胡治下的以色列:国内政治与外交政策》(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2020),第94-97页;Dani Filc,“以色列的政治激进化:从民粹主义习惯到政府中的激进右翼民粹主义”,载于Kristian Steiner & Andreas Önnerfors eds。《激进化的表现:全球政治、过程和实践》(Palgrave Macmillan, 2018),第126-127、133、135.26美国国务院国际
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Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2273702
Seevan Saeed
AbstractThis paper is based on the ongoing studies that examines the notion of producing knowledge and pursuing academic activities under exceptional circumstances. It is argued that academia and scientific institutions are under scrutiny in terms of their independence, neutrality and quality of producing knowledge and scientific achievements. In the countries that have lesser chance for freedom of expression and dialogue atmosphere, scientific institutions are naturally under less advantage academic conditions. Arguably, they are directly connected to the interests and the will of the state or powerful groups in society. Thus, this paper tries to shed light on the conditions within which universities and academic institutions in war zones and areas besieged by chaos and state failure. The paper is written with a focus on Syria and particularly on North Eastern Self Administration entity of Rojava. The paper tries to look at the challenges that these institutions are facing, in terms frameworks and recognition, freedom of works and limitations, risk of life and safety, and most importantly, the quality of producing knowledge and their academic staff. Another aspect that this paper tries to highlight is the claim of providing new and different style of knowledge productions out of the frame of mainstream style of academia in the world. How alternative and radical modes and methods of teaching and learning can develop in such an environment? What forms of relations between academia and society are developed, and what are the main obstacles in front of these relations? For this purpose, the focus will be on two recently established universities in Rojava, ‘University of Rojava and Kobane University’. My contribution is based on my experiences of working as an instructor of social and political thoughts at the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of Rojava as well as my multiple visits to the actual Area of Syria and Rojava and conducting interviews with students, staff, and education policy makers in this region.Keywords: Universityproducing knowledgewar zoneRojavachallenges Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Sansom and Milton, ‘Syrian Higher Education during Conflict: Survival, Protection, and Regime Security’, International Journal of Educational Development 64, (2019), pp. 38–47.2 Moaz Alsherfawi and Sulaiman Mouselli, ‘NGO Education at Syrian Higher Education Institutions: A Tale of Two Universities’, Journal of Service, Innovation and Sustainable Development 3(2), (2022), pp. 98–112.3 UNICEF, ‘Whole of Syria Humanitarian Situation Report: End of Year 2021’, (9 February 2022), available at: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/UNICEF%20Whole%20of%20Syria%20Humanitarian%20Situation%20Report%20-%20January%20-%20.4 United Nations Statistics Division (UNSD), ‘SDG 4 QualityEducation: 2021 Report’, (2021), available at: https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/report/2021/goal-04/
{"title":"Producing Knowledge in the War Zones: Challenges and Risks of Academia in Rojava","authors":"Seevan Saeed","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2273702","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2273702","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis paper is based on the ongoing studies that examines the notion of producing knowledge and pursuing academic activities under exceptional circumstances. It is argued that academia and scientific institutions are under scrutiny in terms of their independence, neutrality and quality of producing knowledge and scientific achievements. In the countries that have lesser chance for freedom of expression and dialogue atmosphere, scientific institutions are naturally under less advantage academic conditions. Arguably, they are directly connected to the interests and the will of the state or powerful groups in society. Thus, this paper tries to shed light on the conditions within which universities and academic institutions in war zones and areas besieged by chaos and state failure. The paper is written with a focus on Syria and particularly on North Eastern Self Administration entity of Rojava. The paper tries to look at the challenges that these institutions are facing, in terms frameworks and recognition, freedom of works and limitations, risk of life and safety, and most importantly, the quality of producing knowledge and their academic staff. Another aspect that this paper tries to highlight is the claim of providing new and different style of knowledge productions out of the frame of mainstream style of academia in the world. How alternative and radical modes and methods of teaching and learning can develop in such an environment? What forms of relations between academia and society are developed, and what are the main obstacles in front of these relations? For this purpose, the focus will be on two recently established universities in Rojava, ‘University of Rojava and Kobane University’. My contribution is based on my experiences of working as an instructor of social and political thoughts at the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of Rojava as well as my multiple visits to the actual Area of Syria and Rojava and conducting interviews with students, staff, and education policy makers in this region.Keywords: Universityproducing knowledgewar zoneRojavachallenges Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Sansom and Milton, ‘Syrian Higher Education during Conflict: Survival, Protection, and Regime Security’, International Journal of Educational Development 64, (2019), pp. 38–47.2 Moaz Alsherfawi and Sulaiman Mouselli, ‘NGO Education at Syrian Higher Education Institutions: A Tale of Two Universities’, Journal of Service, Innovation and Sustainable Development 3(2), (2022), pp. 98–112.3 UNICEF, ‘Whole of Syria Humanitarian Situation Report: End of Year 2021’, (9 February 2022), available at: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/UNICEF%20Whole%20of%20Syria%20Humanitarian%20Situation%20Report%20-%20January%20-%20.4 United Nations Statistics Division (UNSD), ‘SDG 4 QualityEducation: 2021 Report’, (2021), available at: https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/report/2021/goal-04/","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"48 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135315525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2269787
Yahya Koshaimah, Xiaolong Zou
AbstractThe conflict in Yemen, which has been going on for 8 years, has great repercussions for Yemen and the entire region. Yemen’s strategic position has made it a key player in a crucial area that influences energy supplies, and international shipping routes, as well as a point of contact between Asia, Africa, and Europe. China, the area’s greatest economic partner and largest importer of oil, was one of those affected, particularly with the announcement of the Chinese BRI and its massive projects in the region. The prolonged conflict in Yemen has hampered Chinese investments and the construction of several key and strategic BRI projects in Yemen, as well as jeopardising many of its mega projects in the region. It also posed a new threat to the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden’s sea routes, as well as the establishment of new military bases in strategic areas capable of controlling international trade routes and intensifying military rivalry in the region.Keywords: ChinaYemen conflictBRIRed SeaGulf of Aden Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 UNDP, ‘Assessing the Impact of War in Yemen: Pathways for Recovery’, United Nations Development Programme, (2021), available at: https://www.undp.org/publications/assessing-impact-war-yemen-pathways-recovery.2 Mordechai Chaziza, ‘The belt and road initiative : new driving force for Sino-Yemen relationship’, China Report 2, no. June (2021), pp. 229–246.3 Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993), pp. 90–91.4 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China’s Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999 (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 173.5 Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993), pp. 90–91.6 Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993), pp. 90–91.7 ‘CHINA PRIORITIZES GULF ECONOMIC, OIL RELATIONSHIPS’, Hisham Al-khawlani, Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, (25, 01 , 2021), pp. 1–21.8 Wolfgang Bartke, The Economic Aid of the PR China to Developing and Socialist Countries, (London: K.G. Saur, 1989), pp. 139–145.9 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China’s Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999 (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 180.10 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China’s Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999 (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 181.11 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China’s Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999 (New York: Routledge, 2002), pp. 184–185.12 Alawd, Othman and Ismail, ‘The political relations between Yemen and the People’s Republic of China During Ali Abdullah Saleh’s administration from 1990 to 2012’, International Journal of Management and Applied Science 3(3), (2017), pp. 16–44.13 Leung, Li and Low, ‘Transitions in China’s oil economy, 1990-2010’, Eurasian Geography and Economics 52(4), (2011), pp. 483–500.14 Robert D’A Henderson, ‘First Batch of China’s Emergency Humanitarian Aid Arrives in Yemen - Xinhua | English.News.Cn’, (2017), available a
摘要也门的冲突已经持续了8年之久,对也门乃至整个地区都产生了巨大的影响。也门的战略地位使其成为影响能源供应和国际航运路线的关键领域的关键参与者,也是亚洲、非洲和欧洲之间的联络点。中国是该地区最大的经济伙伴和最大的石油进口国,也是受影响的国家之一,特别是中国宣布了“一带一路”倡议及其在该地区的大规模项目。也门旷日持久的冲突阻碍了中国在也门的投资和几个关键战略“一带一路”项目的建设,也危及了中国在该地区的许多大型项目。它还对红海和亚丁湾的海上航线,以及在能够控制国际贸易航线和加剧该地区军事对抗的战略地区建立新的军事基地构成新的威胁。关键词:中国与中国之间的冲突英国亚丁湾披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1:联合国开发计划署,《也门战争影响评估:恢复之路》,联合国开发计划署,(2021),网址:https://www.undp.org/publications/assessing-impact-war-yemen-pathways-recovery.2Lillian Craig Harris,中国考虑中东(伦敦:i.b.金牛座,1993),pp. 90-91.4 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin,中国与阿拉伯和海湾的关系1949-1999(纽约:Routledge, 2002), p. 173.5 Lillian Craig Harris,中国考虑中东(伦敦:i.b.金牛座,1993),pp. 90-91.6 Lillian Craig Harris,中国考虑中东(伦敦:i.b.金牛座,1993),pp. 90-91.6I. B. Tauris, 1993),第90-91.7页“中国优先考虑海湾地区的经济和石油关系”,希沙姆·阿尔-哈瓦拉尼,萨那战略研究中心,(2021年1月25日),第1-21.8页沃尔夫冈·巴特克,《中华人民共和国对发展中国家和社会主义国家的经济援助》,(伦敦:K.G. Saur, 1989),第139-145.9页穆罕默德·本·胡瓦丁,《1949-1999年中国与阿拉伯和海湾的关系》(纽约:Mohamed Bin Huwaidin,中国与阿拉伯和海湾地区的关系1949-1999(纽约:Routledge, 2002), p. 181.11 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin,中国与阿拉伯和海湾地区的关系1949-1999(纽约:Routledge, 2002)Alawd, Othman和Ismail,“1990年至2012年Ali Abdullah Saleh执政期间也门与中华人民共和国的政治关系”,《国际管理与应用科学杂志》3(3),(2017),第16-44.13页。Leung, Li和Low,“1990-2010年中国石油经济的转型”,《欧亚地理与经济》52(4),(2011),pp. 483-500.14 Robert D ' a Henderson。中国首批紧急人道主义援助物资抵达也门-新华社|英文新闻。Cn’,(2017),载于:http://www.xinhuanet.com//english/2017-07/14/c_136442006.htm15由联合国安理会五个常任理事国和沙特阿拉伯、阿曼、科威特、阿拉伯联合酋长国(阿联酋)和欧盟的大使组成。16 Chang, i.w. J,“中国对也门危机的看法”,也门危机中的全球、地区和地方动态,(2020),第97-111.17页。路透社,“8名也门人被杀,萨利赫看到俄罗斯和中国的支持”,(2011),可在:https://www.reuters.com/article/us-yemen-protest/eight-yemenis-killed-saleh-sees-russian-chinese-support-idUSTRE79F0S720111016.18叶海亚·科沙伊玛、邹小龙:《也门地缘战略意义与沙特-伊朗地区霸权竞争分析》,《当代中东评论》第10期第3期,(2023),可查阅:https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989231176141.1921 . Marie Cabural,“也门冲突:哪些国家支持和反对沙特阿拉伯”,ValueWalk.com,(2015),可在https://www.valuewalk.com/2015/03/yemen-vs-saudi-arabia/(于2022年3月19日访问)联合国出版社,“安理会要求结束也门暴力,通过第2216(2015)号决议,俄罗斯联邦弃权”,(2015),见:https://www.un.org/press/en/2015/sc11859.doc.htm.22张义军,“也门危机中的中国视角”,《也门危机中的全球、区域和地方动态》,(2020),第97-111.23页。张军大使在安理会也门问题公开对话上的讲话》,中华人民共和国外交部,(2020),可在以下网址查阅: 张义伟,《中国敦促地区国家为也门缓和紧张局势创造条件》,新华社,(2019),网址:http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/18/c_138480322.htm.26张义伟,“中国视角下的也门危机”,《也门危机中的全球、地区和局部动态》,(2020),pp. 97-111.27罗伯特·D’a。韩德胜:《中国的红海野心:外交官杂志》(2018),网址:https://diplomatonline.com/mag/2018/10/chinas-red-sea-ambitions/.28。亨德森:《中国的红海野心:外交官杂志》,(2018),可在:https://diplomatonline.com/mag/2018/10/chinas-red-sea-ambitions/.29。美国能源情报署,《曼德海峡是石油和天然气运输的战略路线》,(2019),可在:https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=41073.30 Adam Hanieh,“全球海湾的野心:阿拉伯起义,也门和沙特阿联酋联盟”,中东报告289,(2018),第21-26.31页Eleonora Ardemagni,“海峡的地缘战略:霍尔木兹和曼德海峡|埃尼”,(2019),可在:https://www.eni.com/en-IT/global-energy-scenarios/strait-hormuz.html.32半岛电视台,“目标油轮的回归……红海、海湾、阿拉伯海和阿曼最突出的袭击事件|政治新闻|半岛电视台网”,(2020年12月14日)。中国特使呼吁为也门提供量身定制的援助-新华社|英文新闻。Cn,新华社,(2019年11月22日),可在:http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/23/c_138577341.htm.34路透社,“中国将在也门建设发电厂,扩大港口|路透社”,(2013),可在:https://www.reuters.com/article/us-yemen-china-power-idUSBRE9AF
{"title":"Conflict in Yemen and its impacts on China’s interests in the region","authors":"Yahya Koshaimah, Xiaolong Zou","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2269787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2269787","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe conflict in Yemen, which has been going on for 8 years, has great repercussions for Yemen and the entire region. Yemen’s strategic position has made it a key player in a crucial area that influences energy supplies, and international shipping routes, as well as a point of contact between Asia, Africa, and Europe. China, the area’s greatest economic partner and largest importer of oil, was one of those affected, particularly with the announcement of the Chinese BRI and its massive projects in the region. The prolonged conflict in Yemen has hampered Chinese investments and the construction of several key and strategic BRI projects in Yemen, as well as jeopardising many of its mega projects in the region. It also posed a new threat to the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden’s sea routes, as well as the establishment of new military bases in strategic areas capable of controlling international trade routes and intensifying military rivalry in the region.Keywords: ChinaYemen conflictBRIRed SeaGulf of Aden Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 UNDP, ‘Assessing the Impact of War in Yemen: Pathways for Recovery’, United Nations Development Programme, (2021), available at: https://www.undp.org/publications/assessing-impact-war-yemen-pathways-recovery.2 Mordechai Chaziza, ‘The belt and road initiative : new driving force for Sino-Yemen relationship’, China Report 2, no. June (2021), pp. 229–246.3 Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993), pp. 90–91.4 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China’s Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999 (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 173.5 Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993), pp. 90–91.6 Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993), pp. 90–91.7 ‘CHINA PRIORITIZES GULF ECONOMIC, OIL RELATIONSHIPS’, Hisham Al-khawlani, Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, (25, 01 , 2021), pp. 1–21.8 Wolfgang Bartke, The Economic Aid of the PR China to Developing and Socialist Countries, (London: K.G. Saur, 1989), pp. 139–145.9 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China’s Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999 (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 180.10 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China’s Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999 (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 181.11 Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China’s Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999 (New York: Routledge, 2002), pp. 184–185.12 Alawd, Othman and Ismail, ‘The political relations between Yemen and the People’s Republic of China During Ali Abdullah Saleh’s administration from 1990 to 2012’, International Journal of Management and Applied Science 3(3), (2017), pp. 16–44.13 Leung, Li and Low, ‘Transitions in China’s oil economy, 1990-2010’, Eurasian Geography and Economics 52(4), (2011), pp. 483–500.14 Robert D’A Henderson, ‘First Batch of China’s Emergency Humanitarian Aid Arrives in Yemen - Xinhua | English.News.Cn’, (2017), available a","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"183 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135884867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-12DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2267292
Melih Dinçer
AbstractThis research investigates the relation between regional power policies of Turkey and the media strategy of President Erdoğan. After the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, the Justice and Development Party started to implement regional power policies, which are focusing on security affairs. The political power fell into the hands of the President. Regional power policies are used as a legitimised as a tool for the transition to authoritarianism. The main purpose of this transition is to suppress dissident voices by controlling the media. In this article, I argue that President Erdoğan uses regional power policies as a tool to control the national media. The President is trying to create the image of a world leader for himself by using the pro-government media companies. Turkey’s of natural gas, the Libya issue and the NATO Summit in Madrid will be discussed in terms of media’s perspectives.Keywords: Turkish foreign policyregional powerthe discourse of powerful Turkeydomestic politicsnational media Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Oliver Stuenkel, Post-Western World: How Emerging Powers Are Remaking Global Order (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2016), p. 8.2 Francis A. Kornegay and Sanusha Naidu, ‘BRICS in the post-liberal world order: A new agenda for cooperation? Perspectives from South Africa’, Strategic Analysis 43(6), (2019), pp. 632–635.3 Enes Bayraklı and Aslıhan Alkanat, ‘An analysis of European actors policies towards operation peace spring’, The Journal of Defence and War Studies 32(1), (2022), pp. 1–5.4 Ihsan Yilmaz, Mehmet Efe Caman and Galib Bashirov, ‘How an Islamist party managed to legitimate its authoritarianization in the eyes of the secularist opposition: the case of Turkey’, Democratization 27(2), (2020), p. 274.5 Duygu Karatas and Erkan Saka, ‘Online political trolling in the context of post-Gezi social media in Turkey’, International Journal of Digital Television 8(3), (2017), p. 393.6 Murat Akser and Banu Baybars, ‘Repressed media and illiberal politics in Turkey: the persistence of fear’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 23(1), (2023), pp. 159–163.7 Mustafa Kutlay and Ziya Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order: strategic autonomy or new forms of dependence?’, International Affairs 97(4), (2021), pp. 1099–1100.8 Edward Wastnidge, ‘Imperial grandeur and selective memory: Re-assessing neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign and domestic politics’, Middle East Critique 28(1), (2019), pp. 12–24.9 Ibid., p. 20.10 Ibid., pp. 20–21.11 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, pp. 1096–1099.12 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, p. 1088.13 ‘Turkey’, Human Rights Watch, (10 February 2023).14 Ihsan Yilmaz and Galib Bashirov, ‘The AKP after 15 years: emergence of Erdoganism in Turkey’, Third World Quarterly 39(9), (2018), p. 1819.15 M. Hakan Yavuz and Ahmet Erdi Öztürk, ‘Turkish secularism and Islam under the re
66 - 74;andr<s:1> Bank和Roy Karadag,“地区权力的政治经济:AKP下的土耳其”,GIGA Research Unit: Institute of Middle East Studies,(2012),第1-24页;Şaban卡尔达伊,“土耳其:一个面临不断变化的国际体系的地区大国”,《土耳其研究》14(4),(2013),第637-660页;Dal,“在不断变化的国际秩序中对土耳其“新兴区域力量”的概念化和测试”,第1425-1453.30页Emel Poyraz和Melih dinraper,“土耳其在全球化世界中的公共外交活动”,Intermedia international电子杂志3(4),(2016),第30.31页“GDP(当前美元)”,世界银行,(2022).32Dal,“在不断变化的国际秩序中对土耳其“新兴地区力量”的概念化和测试”,第21.33页,同上,第5-21.34页,“土耳其是重要的地区力量:克里姆林宫”,阿纳多卢通讯社,(2022年9月12日)。35“乌克兰:法国驻土耳其外交部长鼓励其采取积极行动”,《费加罗报》,(2022年9月25日)。36 Şaban卡尔达伊,“土耳其:一个面临不断变化的国际体系的地区大国”,《土耳其研究》14(4),(2013),第656.37页。米塔Çelikpala,“土耳其作为一个地区大国和高加索地区”,《透视土耳其》9(2),(2007),第25页;Ziya Öniş,“土耳其和阿拉伯革命:动荡的中东地区权力影响的边界”,《地中海政治》19(2),(2014),第204.38页。“总统Erdoğan:“t<s:1> rkiye是一个全球大国”,h<s:1> rriyet,(2022年7月8日)。”39“总统Erdoğan:土耳其正在日益提高其地区和全球权力地位”,TRT Haber,(2022年7月11日)Berdal Aral,“世界ıs大于5”:土耳其新ınternational展望的有益宣言”,Insight turkey 21(4), (2019), p. 71.41同上,p. 71.42 Meliha Benli Altunışık,“修正的中等大国的轨迹:试图理解土耳其百年外交政策”,土耳其研究24(3-4),(2023),p. 668.43 brlent Aras,“土耳其的国家问题”,替代方案:全球,地方,政治44(1),(2019),第3.44页Evren Balta,“从地缘政治竞争到战略伙伴关系:冷战后的土耳其和俄罗斯”,uluslararasei İlişkiler 16(63),(2019),第69.45页“总统Erdoğan:我们不会允许伟大而强大的土耳其停滞或衰落”,TRT Haber,(2022年8月25日)。46Kutlay和Öniş,“后西方秩序下的土耳其外交政策”,第1101-1102.47页。“希腊从法国购买6架阵风战斗机和护卫舰”,路透社,(2022年7月25日)Kutlay和Öniş,“后西方秩序下的土耳其外交政策”,第1096.49页,同上50 E. Fuat Keyman,“后阿拉伯之春时代的土耳其外交政策:从主动到缓冲国”,第三世界季刊37(12),(2016),第2283.51页。Peter Arthur,“加纳的民主巩固:媒体、公民社会和国家机构的作用和贡献”,《联邦与比较政治》48(2),(2010),第204.52页。Marius Dragomir和Astrid Söderström,“国家媒体的状态,媒体和新闻研究中心”,(2022),第42.53页,同上,第12.54页。《走向新自由主义媒体独裁模式》,《中东文化与传播杂志》第5期,(2012),第302.55页,“每次选举前石油和天然气涌出”,Sözcü,(2022年12月28日);《Erdoğan关于天然气发现的声明》,Bloomberg HT,(2022年12月26日)。1万亿美元的好消息!“这里将处理足够使用50年的天然气”,Milliyet,(2022年12月27日);“天然气对土耳其来说是个好消息!”正好1100亿立方米,Star,(2022年11月3日)Kutlay和Öniş,“后西方秩序下的土耳其外交政策”,第1100.58页,致Kılıçdaroğlu,他说,“我们在利比亚做什么?, Takvim,(2022年7月3日)。Emin Çölaşan,我们在利比亚做什么?', Sözcü,(2023年3月14日)。2006年8月,瑞典、芬兰和芬兰签署了一份联合备忘录!, A . Haber,(2023年3月7日)。61“Erdoğan在2022年留下了他的印记”,Yeni Akit,(2022年6月30日)。62叶尼·阿基特(Yeni Akit), 2022年6月30日:“当土耳其强势出线时,梅拉尔发疯了。”63 ' Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu ', Twitter,(2022年6月30日)同上65同上66“教授博士İlhan Uzgel:与宣传相反,Erdoğan空手而归”,Evrensel,(2022年6月30日)。67《关于修改新闻法和一些法律的法律》,官方公报,(2022年10月18日)。
{"title":"The Relation between Regional Power Policies of Turkey and the Media Strategy of President Erdoğan","authors":"Melih Dinçer","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2267292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2267292","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis research investigates the relation between regional power policies of Turkey and the media strategy of President Erdoğan. After the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, the Justice and Development Party started to implement regional power policies, which are focusing on security affairs. The political power fell into the hands of the President. Regional power policies are used as a legitimised as a tool for the transition to authoritarianism. The main purpose of this transition is to suppress dissident voices by controlling the media. In this article, I argue that President Erdoğan uses regional power policies as a tool to control the national media. The President is trying to create the image of a world leader for himself by using the pro-government media companies. Turkey’s of natural gas, the Libya issue and the NATO Summit in Madrid will be discussed in terms of media’s perspectives.Keywords: Turkish foreign policyregional powerthe discourse of powerful Turkeydomestic politicsnational media Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Oliver Stuenkel, Post-Western World: How Emerging Powers Are Remaking Global Order (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2016), p. 8.2 Francis A. Kornegay and Sanusha Naidu, ‘BRICS in the post-liberal world order: A new agenda for cooperation? Perspectives from South Africa’, Strategic Analysis 43(6), (2019), pp. 632–635.3 Enes Bayraklı and Aslıhan Alkanat, ‘An analysis of European actors policies towards operation peace spring’, The Journal of Defence and War Studies 32(1), (2022), pp. 1–5.4 Ihsan Yilmaz, Mehmet Efe Caman and Galib Bashirov, ‘How an Islamist party managed to legitimate its authoritarianization in the eyes of the secularist opposition: the case of Turkey’, Democratization 27(2), (2020), p. 274.5 Duygu Karatas and Erkan Saka, ‘Online political trolling in the context of post-Gezi social media in Turkey’, International Journal of Digital Television 8(3), (2017), p. 393.6 Murat Akser and Banu Baybars, ‘Repressed media and illiberal politics in Turkey: the persistence of fear’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 23(1), (2023), pp. 159–163.7 Mustafa Kutlay and Ziya Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order: strategic autonomy or new forms of dependence?’, International Affairs 97(4), (2021), pp. 1099–1100.8 Edward Wastnidge, ‘Imperial grandeur and selective memory: Re-assessing neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign and domestic politics’, Middle East Critique 28(1), (2019), pp. 12–24.9 Ibid., p. 20.10 Ibid., pp. 20–21.11 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, pp. 1096–1099.12 Kutlay and Öniş, ‘Turkish foreign policy in a post-western order’, p. 1088.13 ‘Turkey’, Human Rights Watch, (10 February 2023).14 Ihsan Yilmaz and Galib Bashirov, ‘The AKP after 15 years: emergence of Erdoganism in Turkey’, Third World Quarterly 39(9), (2018), p. 1819.15 M. Hakan Yavuz and Ahmet Erdi Öztürk, ‘Turkish secularism and Islam under the re","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135968455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2279842
Cheng Zhen, Bo Wang
Abstract As the first Islamic sacred city, the health security of drinking water in Mecca has been highly concerned since ancient time. As a unique potable water resource of Mecca, the health security of Bir Zam Zam has aroused the high attention of Muslims and related countries all over the world, which is closely related to the special status generated by the origin of the role in the sa’y ceremony of the hajj. Because of this, Zam Zam water is widely regarded as ‘sacred water’ and appears the phenomenon of religious alienation in its health function. In 2013, Saudi Arabia launched a new Bir Zam Zam project to improve water quality by more scientific and technological means. Relevant tests found that its water quality could meet the potable water standards of the World Health Organisation and the American Public Health Association, but there were also voices of doubt from abroad, and Saudi Arabia also responded to this. With the advent of the post-pandemic era and the resumption of the hajj for Muslims outside Saudi Arabia in 2022, the consumption of Bir Zam Zam by pilgrims and Muslims will rise to high levels, inevitably leading to an upward risk to international health security.
{"title":"The Health Security of Drinking Water in Sacred City: the Hydraulic and Zam Zam Projects in Mecca as Cases","authors":"Cheng Zhen, Bo Wang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2279842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2279842","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract As the first Islamic sacred city, the health security of drinking water in Mecca has been highly concerned since ancient time. As a unique potable water resource of Mecca, the health security of Bir Zam Zam has aroused the high attention of Muslims and related countries all over the world, which is closely related to the special status generated by the origin of the role in the sa’y ceremony of the hajj. Because of this, Zam Zam water is widely regarded as ‘sacred water’ and appears the phenomenon of religious alienation in its health function. In 2013, Saudi Arabia launched a new Bir Zam Zam project to improve water quality by more scientific and technological means. Relevant tests found that its water quality could meet the potable water standards of the World Health Organisation and the American Public Health Association, but there were also voices of doubt from abroad, and Saudi Arabia also responded to this. With the advent of the post-pandemic era and the resumption of the hajj for Muslims outside Saudi Arabia in 2022, the consumption of Bir Zam Zam by pilgrims and Muslims will rise to high levels, inevitably leading to an upward risk to international health security.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"47 1","pages":"250 - 263"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139363476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2023.2231249
Saifuddin Herlambang
Abstract In the past two years, the world has been excited by the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic. This plague, in fact, has successfully paralysed many people in the world. Paralysis due to the spread of the virus, whose effect is not only to make many people in the world fall ill and must be treated specifically (quarantine), is mainly due to a number of factors that lead to death. This study aims to elaborate on the history of the pandemic in Islamic literature. Historically, the first plague (Ṭā’ūn) occurred in Ancient Egypt, based on the records of the Ancient Egyptians on papyrus sheets. Imam as-Suyuthi wrote that ṭā’ūn in Egypt occurred during the time of the Prophet Musa and Pharaoh. After that, the Islamic world experienced a plague pandemic that took thousands of Muslim lives. This paper aims to provide Muslims with an understanding that the COVID-19 pandemic is not a new thing in the Islamic world.
{"title":"Pandemic Studies in Middle Eastern History and Qur’anic Verse Interpretation of the Plague","authors":"Saifuddin Herlambang","doi":"10.1080/25765949.2023.2231249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2023.2231249","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the past two years, the world has been excited by the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic. This plague, in fact, has successfully paralysed many people in the world. Paralysis due to the spread of the virus, whose effect is not only to make many people in the world fall ill and must be treated specifically (quarantine), is mainly due to a number of factors that lead to death. This study aims to elaborate on the history of the pandemic in Islamic literature. Historically, the first plague (Ṭā’ūn) occurred in Ancient Egypt, based on the records of the Ancient Egyptians on papyrus sheets. Imam as-Suyuthi wrote that ṭā’ūn in Egypt occurred during the time of the Prophet Musa and Pharaoh. After that, the Islamic world experienced a plague pandemic that took thousands of Muslim lives. This paper aims to provide Muslims with an understanding that the COVID-19 pandemic is not a new thing in the Islamic world.","PeriodicalId":29909,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"127 - 137"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48449440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}