{"title":"自然灾害保险的道德经济:团结还是个人责任?","authors":"Laurence Barry","doi":"10.1080/17530350.2023.2258909","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTOver the second half of the twentieth century, the moral economy of insurance has shifted from solidarity and mutual support to individual responsibility. In this context, the French regime for the protection against natural catastrophes that took shape in the 1980s exemplifies a strong and almost anachronical political will to foster solidarity at the national level, thus questioning the moral economy of responsibility. This paper offers a textual analysis of the official debates that led to the launch of the regime. It shows how the representatives chose to separate compensation, financed by equal individual participation, from state prevention. This contrasts with other schemes worldwide that rely on rational decision theory to situate the responsibility for prevention at the individual level. In this alternative, risk-based premiums play a theoretically crucial role in risk signals. In practice, however, they lead to affordability issues while failing to govern prevention as theoretically expected. With the climate crisis exacerbating this phenomenon, the examination of the French regime thus allows to fruitfully revive other moral economies of insurance.KEYWORDS: Natural disasterssolidarityresponsibilitypreventioninsurance AknowledgementI wish to thank Andy Rosenhek, Thierry Cohignac, Antoine Quantin and four anonymous reviewers for their insights and comments on previous versions of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 For a conceptual and historical analysis, see Baker 1996.2 Respectively: Fonds de secours aux victimes de sinistres et calamités and Fonds National de Garantie des Calamités Agricoles. The latter still operates on non-insurable damages to specifically agricultural properties.3 The process of finalizing a law in France has several stages: once an initial text has been proposed, it is discussed and amended by both parliamentary chambers (National Assembly and Senate) separately. For this purpose, each chamber nominates a commission in charge of studying the proposal of the other chamber and formulating amendments to the text of law. The Assembly or the Senate then discuss the former report, and the amended text goes back to the other chamber for further discussion and approval. This can imply a series of back and forth between the two chambers. If the two chambers cannot agree on a formulation after two readings of each, they nominate a mixed commission with members of both parliaments in order to reach an agreement. This happened in the case of the CatNat regime law.4 All the translations of official texts are mine.5 Other than national schemes relying on traditional insurance products, other mechanisms for climate risk mitigation are emerging such as index or parametric insurance, and cat bonds (Johnson Citation2020; Booth Citation2020), which are out of the scope of this paper.6 Symptomatically, I want to argue, Christophers (Citation2019) quotes a passage from Crichton (Citation2005) that seems to put the blame on subsidies (‘planners and developers [had] taken the continuing availability of cheap flood insurance for granted’), whereas Christon’s main argument is that ‘non-structural measures, such as planning controls and sustainable drainage’ should be the preferred solutions (Crichton Citation2005, 5, emphasis added).7 Starting 04/2022, a new rate reform – still striving for more accuracy to risk –is under implementation, the results of which are not yet available (Horn Citation2022).8 Furthermore, since the cover includes a bundle of disasters, all communities are exposed to one peril or another. Hence CCR recently declared that 99% of the communities had benefited from the regime during its first 40 years of existence (‘Citation40 Ans Du Régime #CatNat FR’ Citation2022).Additional informationFundingThis study was supported by the Chaire PARI - project « Evaluation des Risques et Technologies du Big Data : Outils et Conséquences », Fondation Institut Europlace de Finance.Notes on contributorsLaurence BarryLaurence Barry is the co-chair of Chaire PARI (ENSAE/Sciences Po Paris), an Associate Lecturer at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and an actuary. Her subjects of interest are neoliberalism, Foucauldian studies, the intertwinement of specific rationalities with modern power and its recent digital turn. Her current research project with PARI deals with the impact of big data for the ‘insurance societies’ (sociétés assurantielles). Her articles have been published by the Journal of Business Ethics, Big Data & Society and Theory, Culture & Society. Her book, Foucault and Postmodern Conceptions of Reason, was published in 2020.","PeriodicalId":46876,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cultural Economy","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The moral economies of natural disasters insurance: solidarity or individual responsibility?\",\"authors\":\"Laurence Barry\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/17530350.2023.2258909\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTOver the second half of the twentieth century, the moral economy of insurance has shifted from solidarity and mutual support to individual responsibility. In this context, the French regime for the protection against natural catastrophes that took shape in the 1980s exemplifies a strong and almost anachronical political will to foster solidarity at the national level, thus questioning the moral economy of responsibility. This paper offers a textual analysis of the official debates that led to the launch of the regime. It shows how the representatives chose to separate compensation, financed by equal individual participation, from state prevention. This contrasts with other schemes worldwide that rely on rational decision theory to situate the responsibility for prevention at the individual level. In this alternative, risk-based premiums play a theoretically crucial role in risk signals. In practice, however, they lead to affordability issues while failing to govern prevention as theoretically expected. With the climate crisis exacerbating this phenomenon, the examination of the French regime thus allows to fruitfully revive other moral economies of insurance.KEYWORDS: Natural disasterssolidarityresponsibilitypreventioninsurance AknowledgementI wish to thank Andy Rosenhek, Thierry Cohignac, Antoine Quantin and four anonymous reviewers for their insights and comments on previous versions of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 For a conceptual and historical analysis, see Baker 1996.2 Respectively: Fonds de secours aux victimes de sinistres et calamités and Fonds National de Garantie des Calamités Agricoles. The latter still operates on non-insurable damages to specifically agricultural properties.3 The process of finalizing a law in France has several stages: once an initial text has been proposed, it is discussed and amended by both parliamentary chambers (National Assembly and Senate) separately. For this purpose, each chamber nominates a commission in charge of studying the proposal of the other chamber and formulating amendments to the text of law. The Assembly or the Senate then discuss the former report, and the amended text goes back to the other chamber for further discussion and approval. This can imply a series of back and forth between the two chambers. If the two chambers cannot agree on a formulation after two readings of each, they nominate a mixed commission with members of both parliaments in order to reach an agreement. This happened in the case of the CatNat regime law.4 All the translations of official texts are mine.5 Other than national schemes relying on traditional insurance products, other mechanisms for climate risk mitigation are emerging such as index or parametric insurance, and cat bonds (Johnson Citation2020; Booth Citation2020), which are out of the scope of this paper.6 Symptomatically, I want to argue, Christophers (Citation2019) quotes a passage from Crichton (Citation2005) that seems to put the blame on subsidies (‘planners and developers [had] taken the continuing availability of cheap flood insurance for granted’), whereas Christon’s main argument is that ‘non-structural measures, such as planning controls and sustainable drainage’ should be the preferred solutions (Crichton Citation2005, 5, emphasis added).7 Starting 04/2022, a new rate reform – still striving for more accuracy to risk –is under implementation, the results of which are not yet available (Horn Citation2022).8 Furthermore, since the cover includes a bundle of disasters, all communities are exposed to one peril or another. Hence CCR recently declared that 99% of the communities had benefited from the regime during its first 40 years of existence (‘Citation40 Ans Du Régime #CatNat FR’ Citation2022).Additional informationFundingThis study was supported by the Chaire PARI - project « Evaluation des Risques et Technologies du Big Data : Outils et Conséquences », Fondation Institut Europlace de Finance.Notes on contributorsLaurence BarryLaurence Barry is the co-chair of Chaire PARI (ENSAE/Sciences Po Paris), an Associate Lecturer at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and an actuary. Her subjects of interest are neoliberalism, Foucauldian studies, the intertwinement of specific rationalities with modern power and its recent digital turn. Her current research project with PARI deals with the impact of big data for the ‘insurance societies’ (sociétés assurantielles). Her articles have been published by the Journal of Business Ethics, Big Data & Society and Theory, Culture & Society. Her book, Foucault and Postmodern Conceptions of Reason, was published in 2020.\",\"PeriodicalId\":46876,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Cultural Economy\",\"volume\":\"35 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":1.9000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-06\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Cultural Economy\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/17530350.2023.2258909\",\"RegionNum\":3,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"CULTURAL STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Cultural Economy","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17530350.2023.2258909","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"CULTURAL STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
20世纪下半叶,保险道德经济从团结互助转向个人责任。在这方面,20世纪80年代形成的法国自然灾害保护制度体现了一种强烈的、几乎不合时宜的政治意愿,即在国家一级促进团结,从而质疑责任的道德经济。本文对导致该政权成立的官方辩论进行了文本分析。它显示了代表们是如何选择将由个人平等参与资助的赔偿与国家预防分开的。这与世界上其他依靠理性决策理论将预防责任置于个人层面的方案形成对比。在这种替代方案中,基于风险的溢价理论上在风险信号中起着至关重要的作用。然而,在实践中,它们导致了可负担性问题,同时未能像理论上预期的那样管理预防工作。由于气候危机加剧了这一现象,因此,对法国政权的审视使其他道德保险经济得以富有成效地复苏。我要感谢Andy Rosenhek, Thierry Cohignac, Antoine Quantin和四位匿名审稿人对本文之前版本的见解和评论。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1关于概念和历史分析,分别见Baker 1996年2月2日:寻求和受害者的档案和国家档案:农业的档案。后者仍然适用于对具体农业财产的不可保险损害在法国,法律定稿的过程有几个阶段:一旦提出初步案文,就由议会两院(国民议会和参议院)分别讨论和修改。为此目的,每一议院提名一个委员会,负责研究另一议院的提案和拟订对法律案文的修正案。随后,议会或参议院讨论前一份报告,修改后的文本再提交另一议院进一步讨论和批准。这可能意味着两个腔室之间的一系列来回。如果两院在各自阅读两遍后仍不能达成一致,他们将提名一个由两国议会成员组成的混合委员会,以达成协议。这发生在卡特政权法的案例中所有官方文本的翻译都是我的除了依靠传统保险产品的国家计划外,正在出现其他缓解气候风险的机制,如指数或参数保险以及cat债券(Johnson Citation2020;Booth Citation2020),这些都不在本文的研究范围之内从症状上讲,我想说,Christophers (Citation2019)引用了Crichton (Citation2005)的一段话,这段话似乎把责任归咎于补贴(“规划者和开发商(已经)将廉价洪水保险的持续可用性视为理所当然”),而Christon的主要论点是“非结构性措施,如规划控制和可持续排水”应该是首选的解决方案(Crichton citation2005,5,重点添加)从2022年4月开始,一项新的费率改革(仍在努力提高风险的准确性)正在实施中,其结果尚未公布(Horn Citation2022)此外,由于封面包含了一系列灾难,所有社区都面临着这样或那样的危险。因此,CCR最近宣布,在该政权存在的前40年里,99%的社区受益于该政权(' Citation40 Ans Du r gime #CatNat FR ' Citation2022)。本研究得到了欧洲金融基金会巴黎研究所主席项目“大数据风险与技术评估:结果与结果”的支持。劳伦斯·巴里(lawrence Barry)是巴黎理工学院(ENSAE/巴黎政治学院)的联合主席,耶路撒冷希伯来大学的副讲师和精算师。她感兴趣的主题是新自由主义、福柯式研究、特定理性与现代权力的交织以及它最近的数字化转变。她目前在PARI的研究项目涉及大数据对“保险协会”的影响。她的文章曾发表在《商业伦理》、《大数据与社会》和《理论、文化与社会》杂志上。她的书《福柯与后现代理性概念》于2020年出版。
The moral economies of natural disasters insurance: solidarity or individual responsibility?
ABSTRACTOver the second half of the twentieth century, the moral economy of insurance has shifted from solidarity and mutual support to individual responsibility. In this context, the French regime for the protection against natural catastrophes that took shape in the 1980s exemplifies a strong and almost anachronical political will to foster solidarity at the national level, thus questioning the moral economy of responsibility. This paper offers a textual analysis of the official debates that led to the launch of the regime. It shows how the representatives chose to separate compensation, financed by equal individual participation, from state prevention. This contrasts with other schemes worldwide that rely on rational decision theory to situate the responsibility for prevention at the individual level. In this alternative, risk-based premiums play a theoretically crucial role in risk signals. In practice, however, they lead to affordability issues while failing to govern prevention as theoretically expected. With the climate crisis exacerbating this phenomenon, the examination of the French regime thus allows to fruitfully revive other moral economies of insurance.KEYWORDS: Natural disasterssolidarityresponsibilitypreventioninsurance AknowledgementI wish to thank Andy Rosenhek, Thierry Cohignac, Antoine Quantin and four anonymous reviewers for their insights and comments on previous versions of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 For a conceptual and historical analysis, see Baker 1996.2 Respectively: Fonds de secours aux victimes de sinistres et calamités and Fonds National de Garantie des Calamités Agricoles. The latter still operates on non-insurable damages to specifically agricultural properties.3 The process of finalizing a law in France has several stages: once an initial text has been proposed, it is discussed and amended by both parliamentary chambers (National Assembly and Senate) separately. For this purpose, each chamber nominates a commission in charge of studying the proposal of the other chamber and formulating amendments to the text of law. The Assembly or the Senate then discuss the former report, and the amended text goes back to the other chamber for further discussion and approval. This can imply a series of back and forth between the two chambers. If the two chambers cannot agree on a formulation after two readings of each, they nominate a mixed commission with members of both parliaments in order to reach an agreement. This happened in the case of the CatNat regime law.4 All the translations of official texts are mine.5 Other than national schemes relying on traditional insurance products, other mechanisms for climate risk mitigation are emerging such as index or parametric insurance, and cat bonds (Johnson Citation2020; Booth Citation2020), which are out of the scope of this paper.6 Symptomatically, I want to argue, Christophers (Citation2019) quotes a passage from Crichton (Citation2005) that seems to put the blame on subsidies (‘planners and developers [had] taken the continuing availability of cheap flood insurance for granted’), whereas Christon’s main argument is that ‘non-structural measures, such as planning controls and sustainable drainage’ should be the preferred solutions (Crichton Citation2005, 5, emphasis added).7 Starting 04/2022, a new rate reform – still striving for more accuracy to risk –is under implementation, the results of which are not yet available (Horn Citation2022).8 Furthermore, since the cover includes a bundle of disasters, all communities are exposed to one peril or another. Hence CCR recently declared that 99% of the communities had benefited from the regime during its first 40 years of existence (‘Citation40 Ans Du Régime #CatNat FR’ Citation2022).Additional informationFundingThis study was supported by the Chaire PARI - project « Evaluation des Risques et Technologies du Big Data : Outils et Conséquences », Fondation Institut Europlace de Finance.Notes on contributorsLaurence BarryLaurence Barry is the co-chair of Chaire PARI (ENSAE/Sciences Po Paris), an Associate Lecturer at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and an actuary. Her subjects of interest are neoliberalism, Foucauldian studies, the intertwinement of specific rationalities with modern power and its recent digital turn. Her current research project with PARI deals with the impact of big data for the ‘insurance societies’ (sociétés assurantielles). Her articles have been published by the Journal of Business Ethics, Big Data & Society and Theory, Culture & Society. Her book, Foucault and Postmodern Conceptions of Reason, was published in 2020.