{"title":"职业联系:跨国专家网络与多边网络犯罪谈判","authors":"James Shires","doi":"10.1080/13523260.2023.2274775","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe Council of Europe’s Budapest Convention on cybercrime (2001) remains a key landmark in multilateral governance on cybersecurity. Negotiated over two decades ago, this regional agreement gains renewed significance today through its enduring impact, its rarity as a binding multilateral agreement on cyber-issues, and its role in shaping the debate on free speech and the criminalization of online content. This article asks how the almost-total exclusion of content crimes from the Convention can be explained. Drawing on new documents published for the twentieth anniversary of the Convention, including detailed testimonials from its chair and principal drafters, the article highlights the importance of long-term career connections among technically-savvy and diplomatically experienced negotiators, creating a transnational policy network that overcame differences and power imbalances. Understanding how the Budapest Convention resolved disagreements helps contextualize current crises in multilateral cybersecurity and cybercrime governance and provides a path away from growing digital authoritarianism.KEYWORDS: CybersecuritycybercrimemultilateralismgovernanceBudapest Conventionexpertise AcknowledgmentsI thank the editors of the special issue at The Hague Program on International Cyber Security for the opportunity to contribute to this issue, and the editors and reviewers at Contemporary Security Policy for their guidance and feedback. I also thank the team of the International Security Programme at Chatham House for their support in writing this article, and for enabling my participation in various cybercrime forums as a non-state multistakeholder organization.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 It should be noted that issues of unreliability and unduly positive memory are common across qualitative methods, including interviews. In this way, while commemorative materials pose specific challenges for interpretation, these challenges are equivalent to those faced by other methodological routes; in each case, the guiding principle must be to incorporate critical analysis of such factors into the interpretation.2 Workshop held under the Chatham House Rule on 8 February 2023.3 The standard term used in this area is now child sexual abuse material (CSAM), avoiding problematic associations and conflations with adult pornography, legal in many jurisdictions.4 While many Arab states subsequently adopted national cybercrime laws, their first iterations did not refer to the Arab Convention, and it was ratified (phrased more loosely as “certification or acceptance or ratification” in the Arabic original) by only 11 of the 22 members of the League of Arab states (most recently Bahrain in 2017).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJames ShiresJames Shires is a senior research fellow in cyber policy at Chatham House. He is a co-founder and trustee of the European Cyber Conflict Research Initiative (ECCRI), and is a non-resident associate fellow with The Hague Program for International Cyber Security. He speaks regularly and has published extensively on cybersecurity and global politics, including The Politics Of Cybersecurity In The Middle East (Hurst/Oxford University Press, 2021) and Cyberspace and Instability (ed., Edinburgh University Press, 2023). A full list of publications is available at https://www.jamesshires.com/research.","PeriodicalId":46729,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Security Policy","volume":"152 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Career connections: transnational expert networks and multilateral cybercrime negotiations\",\"authors\":\"James Shires\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/13523260.2023.2274775\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTThe Council of Europe’s Budapest Convention on cybercrime (2001) remains a key landmark in multilateral governance on cybersecurity. Negotiated over two decades ago, this regional agreement gains renewed significance today through its enduring impact, its rarity as a binding multilateral agreement on cyber-issues, and its role in shaping the debate on free speech and the criminalization of online content. This article asks how the almost-total exclusion of content crimes from the Convention can be explained. Drawing on new documents published for the twentieth anniversary of the Convention, including detailed testimonials from its chair and principal drafters, the article highlights the importance of long-term career connections among technically-savvy and diplomatically experienced negotiators, creating a transnational policy network that overcame differences and power imbalances. Understanding how the Budapest Convention resolved disagreements helps contextualize current crises in multilateral cybersecurity and cybercrime governance and provides a path away from growing digital authoritarianism.KEYWORDS: CybersecuritycybercrimemultilateralismgovernanceBudapest Conventionexpertise AcknowledgmentsI thank the editors of the special issue at The Hague Program on International Cyber Security for the opportunity to contribute to this issue, and the editors and reviewers at Contemporary Security Policy for their guidance and feedback. I also thank the team of the International Security Programme at Chatham House for their support in writing this article, and for enabling my participation in various cybercrime forums as a non-state multistakeholder organization.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 It should be noted that issues of unreliability and unduly positive memory are common across qualitative methods, including interviews. In this way, while commemorative materials pose specific challenges for interpretation, these challenges are equivalent to those faced by other methodological routes; in each case, the guiding principle must be to incorporate critical analysis of such factors into the interpretation.2 Workshop held under the Chatham House Rule on 8 February 2023.3 The standard term used in this area is now child sexual abuse material (CSAM), avoiding problematic associations and conflations with adult pornography, legal in many jurisdictions.4 While many Arab states subsequently adopted national cybercrime laws, their first iterations did not refer to the Arab Convention, and it was ratified (phrased more loosely as “certification or acceptance or ratification” in the Arabic original) by only 11 of the 22 members of the League of Arab states (most recently Bahrain in 2017).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJames ShiresJames Shires is a senior research fellow in cyber policy at Chatham House. He is a co-founder and trustee of the European Cyber Conflict Research Initiative (ECCRI), and is a non-resident associate fellow with The Hague Program for International Cyber Security. He speaks regularly and has published extensively on cybersecurity and global politics, including The Politics Of Cybersecurity In The Middle East (Hurst/Oxford University Press, 2021) and Cyberspace and Instability (ed., Edinburgh University Press, 2023). 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Career connections: transnational expert networks and multilateral cybercrime negotiations
ABSTRACTThe Council of Europe’s Budapest Convention on cybercrime (2001) remains a key landmark in multilateral governance on cybersecurity. Negotiated over two decades ago, this regional agreement gains renewed significance today through its enduring impact, its rarity as a binding multilateral agreement on cyber-issues, and its role in shaping the debate on free speech and the criminalization of online content. This article asks how the almost-total exclusion of content crimes from the Convention can be explained. Drawing on new documents published for the twentieth anniversary of the Convention, including detailed testimonials from its chair and principal drafters, the article highlights the importance of long-term career connections among technically-savvy and diplomatically experienced negotiators, creating a transnational policy network that overcame differences and power imbalances. Understanding how the Budapest Convention resolved disagreements helps contextualize current crises in multilateral cybersecurity and cybercrime governance and provides a path away from growing digital authoritarianism.KEYWORDS: CybersecuritycybercrimemultilateralismgovernanceBudapest Conventionexpertise AcknowledgmentsI thank the editors of the special issue at The Hague Program on International Cyber Security for the opportunity to contribute to this issue, and the editors and reviewers at Contemporary Security Policy for their guidance and feedback. I also thank the team of the International Security Programme at Chatham House for their support in writing this article, and for enabling my participation in various cybercrime forums as a non-state multistakeholder organization.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 It should be noted that issues of unreliability and unduly positive memory are common across qualitative methods, including interviews. In this way, while commemorative materials pose specific challenges for interpretation, these challenges are equivalent to those faced by other methodological routes; in each case, the guiding principle must be to incorporate critical analysis of such factors into the interpretation.2 Workshop held under the Chatham House Rule on 8 February 2023.3 The standard term used in this area is now child sexual abuse material (CSAM), avoiding problematic associations and conflations with adult pornography, legal in many jurisdictions.4 While many Arab states subsequently adopted national cybercrime laws, their first iterations did not refer to the Arab Convention, and it was ratified (phrased more loosely as “certification or acceptance or ratification” in the Arabic original) by only 11 of the 22 members of the League of Arab states (most recently Bahrain in 2017).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJames ShiresJames Shires is a senior research fellow in cyber policy at Chatham House. He is a co-founder and trustee of the European Cyber Conflict Research Initiative (ECCRI), and is a non-resident associate fellow with The Hague Program for International Cyber Security. He speaks regularly and has published extensively on cybersecurity and global politics, including The Politics Of Cybersecurity In The Middle East (Hurst/Oxford University Press, 2021) and Cyberspace and Instability (ed., Edinburgh University Press, 2023). A full list of publications is available at https://www.jamesshires.com/research.
期刊介绍:
One of the oldest peer-reviewed journals in international conflict and security, Contemporary Security Policy promotes theoretically-based research on policy problems of armed conflict, intervention and conflict resolution. Since it first appeared in 1980, CSP has established its unique place as a meeting ground for research at the nexus of theory and policy.
Spanning the gap between academic and policy approaches, CSP offers policy analysts a place to pursue fundamental issues, and academic writers a venue for addressing policy. Major fields of concern include:
War and armed conflict
Peacekeeping
Conflict resolution
Arms control and disarmament
Defense policy
Strategic culture
International institutions.
CSP is committed to a broad range of intellectual perspectives. Articles promote new analytical approaches, iconoclastic interpretations and previously overlooked perspectives. Its pages encourage novel contributions and outlooks, not particular methodologies or policy goals. Its geographical scope is worldwide and includes security challenges in Europe, Africa, the Middle-East and Asia. Authors are encouraged to examine established priorities in innovative ways and to apply traditional methods to new problems.