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The last atomic Waltz: China’s nuclear expansion and the persisting relevance of the theory of the nuclear revolution 最后的原子华尔兹中国的核扩张与核革命理论的持久相关性
IF 5.9 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2291258
Henrik Stålhane Hiim
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引用次数: 0
The 2024 Bernard Brodie Prize 2024 年伯纳德-布罗迪奖
IF 5.9 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2289751
Myriam Dunn Cavelty, Nicole Jenne, Y. Reykers
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引用次数: 0
The pervasive informality of the international cybersecurity regime: Geopolitics, non-state actors and diplomacy 国际网络安全制度的普遍非正式性:地缘政治、非国家行为者与外交
IF 5.9 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2296739
Arun Sukumar, Dennis Broeders, Monica Kello
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引用次数: 2
Message from the incoming editors 新任编辑的致辞
IF 5.9 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2296268
Myriam Dunn Cavelty, Nicole Jenne, Y. Reykers
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引用次数: 0
Crypto-Atlanticism: The untold preferences of policy elites in neutral and non-aligned states 隐大西洋主义:中立国和不结盟国家政策精英不为人知的偏好
IF 5.9 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2289329
Filip Ejdus, C. Hoeffler
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引用次数: 0
From reluctance to reassurance: Explaining the shift in the Germans’ NATO alliance solidarity following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine 从勉强到放心:解释德国人在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后对北约联盟声援的转变
IF 5.9 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2286771
Timo Graf, Markus Steinbrecher, Heiko Biehl
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引用次数: 0
(En)Countering epistemic imperialism: A critique of “Westsplaining” and coloniality in dominant debates on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine (反击认识论帝国主义:对有关俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的主流辩论中的 "西部抱怨 "和殖民主义的批判
IF 5.9 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2288468
Tereza Hendl, Olga Burlyuk, Mila O’Sullivan, Aizada Arystanbek
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引用次数: 1
The role of insurers in shaping international cyber-security norms about cyber-war 保险公司在制定有关网络战争的国际网络安全规范方面的作用
IF 5.9 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2279033
Josephine Wolff
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引用次数: 0
Saving face in the cyberspace: responses to public cyber intrusions in the Gulf 在网络空间挽回颜面:对海湾地区公共网络入侵的回应
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2271794
Yehonatan Abramson, Gil Baram
How do states “save face” following a cyber intrusion directed at them? Recent scholarship demonstrates that the covert nature of cyber intrusions allows states to respond with restraint, avoiding escalation. But what happens when cyber intrusions become public and are highly visible? This article examines the rhetorical strategies employed by authoritarian Gulf states to mitigate the image-related costs associated with a public cyber intrusion. Drawing on the conceptual language of image-repair and crisis communication theories and employing discourse analysis of original data in Arabic, we identify three types of face-saving strategies: diminishing, self-complimenting, and accusing. Our findings indicate that intrusions involving leaking or faking information bring about unique “face-saving” strategies that do not only deal with the intrusion itself but also with the subsequent information crisis. Overall, the article identifies how states employ diverse rhetorical strategies—beyond attribution—to narrate cyber intrusions and keep cyber conflict contained.
在针对政府的网络入侵之后,政府如何“挽回颜面”?最近的学术研究表明,网络入侵的隐蔽性使国家能够克制地作出反应,避免事态升级。但是,当网络入侵变得公开且高度可见时,会发生什么呢?本文考察了海湾独裁国家为减轻与公共网络入侵相关的形象成本而采用的修辞策略。利用形象修复和危机沟通理论的概念语言,并利用阿拉伯语原始数据的话语分析,我们确定了三种类型的面子保全策略:减少,自我赞美和指责。我们的研究结果表明,涉及泄露或伪造信息的入侵带来了独特的“面子”策略,不仅可以处理入侵本身,还可以处理随后的信息危机。总的来说,这篇文章确定了国家如何使用不同的修辞策略-除了归因-来叙述网络入侵并保持网络冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Career connections: transnational expert networks and multilateral cybercrime negotiations 职业联系:跨国专家网络与多边网络犯罪谈判
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2023.2274775
James Shires
ABSTRACTThe Council of Europe’s Budapest Convention on cybercrime (2001) remains a key landmark in multilateral governance on cybersecurity. Negotiated over two decades ago, this regional agreement gains renewed significance today through its enduring impact, its rarity as a binding multilateral agreement on cyber-issues, and its role in shaping the debate on free speech and the criminalization of online content. This article asks how the almost-total exclusion of content crimes from the Convention can be explained. Drawing on new documents published for the twentieth anniversary of the Convention, including detailed testimonials from its chair and principal drafters, the article highlights the importance of long-term career connections among technically-savvy and diplomatically experienced negotiators, creating a transnational policy network that overcame differences and power imbalances. Understanding how the Budapest Convention resolved disagreements helps contextualize current crises in multilateral cybersecurity and cybercrime governance and provides a path away from growing digital authoritarianism.KEYWORDS: CybersecuritycybercrimemultilateralismgovernanceBudapest Conventionexpertise AcknowledgmentsI thank the editors of the special issue at The Hague Program on International Cyber Security for the opportunity to contribute to this issue, and the editors and reviewers at Contemporary Security Policy for their guidance and feedback. I also thank the team of the International Security Programme at Chatham House for their support in writing this article, and for enabling my participation in various cybercrime forums as a non-state multistakeholder organization.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 It should be noted that issues of unreliability and unduly positive memory are common across qualitative methods, including interviews. In this way, while commemorative materials pose specific challenges for interpretation, these challenges are equivalent to those faced by other methodological routes; in each case, the guiding principle must be to incorporate critical analysis of such factors into the interpretation.2 Workshop held under the Chatham House Rule on 8 February 2023.3 The standard term used in this area is now child sexual abuse material (CSAM), avoiding problematic associations and conflations with adult pornography, legal in many jurisdictions.4 While many Arab states subsequently adopted national cybercrime laws, their first iterations did not refer to the Arab Convention, and it was ratified (phrased more loosely as “certification or acceptance or ratification” in the Arabic original) by only 11 of the 22 members of the League of Arab states (most recently Bahrain in 2017).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJames ShiresJames Shires is a senior research fellow in cyber policy at Chatham House. He is a co-founder and trustee of the European Cyber Conflict Research Initiative
摘要欧洲委员会关于网络犯罪的布达佩斯公约(2001年)仍然是网络安全多边治理的一个重要里程碑。这一区域性协议是在二十多年前谈判达成的,如今因其持久的影响、其作为一项具有约束力的网络问题多边协议的罕见性,以及其在塑造关于言论自由和将网络内容定为犯罪的辩论方面的作用,重新获得了重要意义。本文探讨如何解释《公约》几乎完全排除内容犯罪。本文借鉴了为纪念《公约》通过20周年而发表的新文件,包括主席和主要起草者的详细证词,强调了在精通技术和外交经验丰富的谈判代表之间建立长期职业联系的重要性,建立了一个克服分歧和权力不平衡的跨国政策网络。了解《布达佩斯公约》如何解决分歧,有助于了解当前多边网络安全和网络犯罪治理危机的背景,并提供一条远离日益增长的数字威权主义的道路。关键词:网络安全网络犯罪多边主义治理布达佩斯公约专业知识感谢海牙国际网络安全项目特刊的编辑给我机会为本期特刊撰稿,感谢当代安全政策的编辑和审稿人提供的指导和反馈。我还要感谢查塔姆研究所国际安全项目的团队,感谢他们支持我撰写这篇文章,并使我能够作为一个非国家的多方利益相关者组织参与各种网络犯罪论坛。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:应该注意的是,不可靠性和过度正面记忆的问题在定性方法中很常见,包括访谈。这样,虽然纪念性材料对解释提出了具体的挑战,但这些挑战与其他方法论路线所面临的挑战是等同的;在每一种情况下,指导原则必须是在解释中纳入对这些因素的批判性分析在这一领域使用的标准术语现在是儿童性虐待材料(CSAM),避免了与成人色情制品的有问题的联系和合并,在许多司法管辖区是合法的虽然许多阿拉伯国家随后通过了国家网络犯罪法,但它们的第一次迭代并未提及《阿拉伯公约》,而且在阿拉伯国家联盟的22个成员国中,只有11个国家批准了该公约(在阿拉伯语原文中更宽松地称为“认证或接受或批准”)(最近一次是2017年的巴林)。本文作者是查塔姆研究所(Chatham House)网络政策高级研究员。他是欧洲网络冲突研究倡议(ECCRI)的联合创始人和受托人,也是海牙国际网络安全项目的非常驻副研究员。他定期发表演讲,并在网络安全和全球政治方面发表了大量文章,包括《中东网络安全政治》(赫斯特/牛津大学出版社,2021年)和《网络空间与不稳定》(主编,爱丁堡大学出版社,2023年)。完整的出版物清单可在https://www.jamesshires.com/research上找到。
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary Security Policy
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