列宁,无政府主义者?建设性的误解

IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI:10.1353/kri.2023.a910979
William Whitham
{"title":"列宁,无政府主义者?建设性的误解","authors":"William Whitham","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.a910979","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Lenin, the Anarchist?A Constructive Misinterpretation William Whitham (bio) V. I. Lenin's \"thunder-like speech\" to Petrograd Bolsheviks on 3 April 1917 \"startled and amazed not only me, a heretic who had accidentally dropped in, but all the true believers,\" remembered Nikolai Sukhanov. The idea of a government of soviets struck \"every listener with any experience in political theory\" as \"a purely anarchist schema,\" as \"a totality of local authority, like the absence of any state in general, like a schema of 'free' (independent) workers' communes.\" The \"April Theses\"—advocating a \"commune state\" and the abolition of the army, police, and bureaucracy—met \"protests and exclamations of outrage\" from Social Democrats.1 Iosif Gol´denberg declared Lenin an \"anarchist\" and \"the heir of [Mikhail] Bakunin.\"2 \"The pseudo-revolutionary tactics of Lenin are the natural offspring of the pseudo-revolutionary tactics of Bakunin,\" wrote Georgii Plekhanov in June 1917.3 In January 1918, Iulii Martov argued that Lenin \"rehashed the old ideas of Bakunin.\" The following year, Pavel Aksel´rod called Bolshevism \"a savage and pernicious throwback to Bakuninism.\" In 1924, Mensheviks may have placed a funeral wreath on Lenin's coffin that identified him as \"the most outstanding Bakuninist among Marxists.\"4 \"It is well known, I suppose,\" [End Page 791] mused Mark Aldanov in his 1919 Lenin biography, \"that no worse insult could have been offered a Russian Social-Democrat than to call him an anarchist and compare him to Bakunin.\"5 Anarchists described Lenin similarly, but to praise him. Anatolii Gorelik commented favorably on Lenin's Political Parties in Russia (April 1917) and on State and Revolution (1918), \"where he reveals and proves that the Bolsheviks are more anarchist than the anarchists themselves. Many other Bolsheviks expressed themselves the same way.\"6 Vsevolod \"Voline\" Eikhenbaum noted \"the perfect parallelism between [Lenin's] ideas and those of the Anarchists, except the idea of the State and of Power.\" Bolshevik activists used \"watchwords that, until then, were precisely characteristic of anarchism,\" including demands for peace, land, and workers' control.7 They initially adopted \"certain fundamental principles and methods of Anarchist Communism\"—including direct action, antiparliamentarism, soviet democracy, and expropriation—ventured a group of Moscow anarchists in June 1921.8 Grigorii Maksimov went farther. \"Lenin, in demanding the abolition of the army, police and officialdom impressed the workers, peasants and soldiers with the idea that a Soviet Republic is an Anarchist Federation of many thousands of Communes-Soviets scattered throughout the vast expanses of Russia, and that this Republic is a full democracy, developed to its logical end—the extinction of the State.\" The Bolsheviks abandoned \"orthodox Marxism\" for \"Anarchist slogans and methods,\" Maksimov argued, and \"were indeed revolutionists and Anarchists of a sort.\"9 Upon Lenin's death, Apollon Karelin and other secretaries of the All-Russian Anarcho-Communist Federation eulogized a \"great revolutionary.\"10 The Bolsheviks, Karelin had argued in December 1918, were \"in a sense preparing the way for anarchism.\"11 [End Page 792] If historians have long known that Lenin and the Bolsheviks were briefly seen as anarchists, few have explored how or why this mattered—if it did. Though anarchists were responsible for most of the estimated 17,000 casualties of terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901–16, they hardly possessed a coherent movement or much ideological salience.12 Of course, Lenin and top Bolsheviks never tired of saying that they were not anarchists. Anarchism meant petit-bourgeois individualism, \"in direct opposition to socialism,\" Lenin wrote in November 1905.13 Lars T. Lih's bracing reinterpretation of Lenin downplays insurrectionism, visions of soviet democracy, and State and Revolution, a text \"irrelevant to the events of the previous year.\" The tactics advocated by Karl Kautsky before 1914—namely, a worker-peasant alliance in Russia and nonagreement with \"bourgeois\" parties—\"led to [the Bolsheviks'] victory in October and the ensuing civil war.\"14 For Lih, the late Lenin was \"a European Social Democrat of Russian origin\" (a portrait rejected by many European social democrats). That \"Lenin advanced the semi-anarchist slogan of 'smash the state!'\" in 1917 is \"a common misunderstanding\" and \"distortion.\"15 Why was it common? How might it have been consequential or...","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"96 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Lenin, the Anarchist? A Constructive Misinterpretation\",\"authors\":\"William Whitham\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/kri.2023.a910979\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Lenin, the Anarchist?A Constructive Misinterpretation William Whitham (bio) V. I. Lenin's \\\"thunder-like speech\\\" to Petrograd Bolsheviks on 3 April 1917 \\\"startled and amazed not only me, a heretic who had accidentally dropped in, but all the true believers,\\\" remembered Nikolai Sukhanov. The idea of a government of soviets struck \\\"every listener with any experience in political theory\\\" as \\\"a purely anarchist schema,\\\" as \\\"a totality of local authority, like the absence of any state in general, like a schema of 'free' (independent) workers' communes.\\\" The \\\"April Theses\\\"—advocating a \\\"commune state\\\" and the abolition of the army, police, and bureaucracy—met \\\"protests and exclamations of outrage\\\" from Social Democrats.1 Iosif Gol´denberg declared Lenin an \\\"anarchist\\\" and \\\"the heir of [Mikhail] Bakunin.\\\"2 \\\"The pseudo-revolutionary tactics of Lenin are the natural offspring of the pseudo-revolutionary tactics of Bakunin,\\\" wrote Georgii Plekhanov in June 1917.3 In January 1918, Iulii Martov argued that Lenin \\\"rehashed the old ideas of Bakunin.\\\" The following year, Pavel Aksel´rod called Bolshevism \\\"a savage and pernicious throwback to Bakuninism.\\\" In 1924, Mensheviks may have placed a funeral wreath on Lenin's coffin that identified him as \\\"the most outstanding Bakuninist among Marxists.\\\"4 \\\"It is well known, I suppose,\\\" [End Page 791] mused Mark Aldanov in his 1919 Lenin biography, \\\"that no worse insult could have been offered a Russian Social-Democrat than to call him an anarchist and compare him to Bakunin.\\\"5 Anarchists described Lenin similarly, but to praise him. Anatolii Gorelik commented favorably on Lenin's Political Parties in Russia (April 1917) and on State and Revolution (1918), \\\"where he reveals and proves that the Bolsheviks are more anarchist than the anarchists themselves. Many other Bolsheviks expressed themselves the same way.\\\"6 Vsevolod \\\"Voline\\\" Eikhenbaum noted \\\"the perfect parallelism between [Lenin's] ideas and those of the Anarchists, except the idea of the State and of Power.\\\" Bolshevik activists used \\\"watchwords that, until then, were precisely characteristic of anarchism,\\\" including demands for peace, land, and workers' control.7 They initially adopted \\\"certain fundamental principles and methods of Anarchist Communism\\\"—including direct action, antiparliamentarism, soviet democracy, and expropriation—ventured a group of Moscow anarchists in June 1921.8 Grigorii Maksimov went farther. \\\"Lenin, in demanding the abolition of the army, police and officialdom impressed the workers, peasants and soldiers with the idea that a Soviet Republic is an Anarchist Federation of many thousands of Communes-Soviets scattered throughout the vast expanses of Russia, and that this Republic is a full democracy, developed to its logical end—the extinction of the State.\\\" The Bolsheviks abandoned \\\"orthodox Marxism\\\" for \\\"Anarchist slogans and methods,\\\" Maksimov argued, and \\\"were indeed revolutionists and Anarchists of a sort.\\\"9 Upon Lenin's death, Apollon Karelin and other secretaries of the All-Russian Anarcho-Communist Federation eulogized a \\\"great revolutionary.\\\"10 The Bolsheviks, Karelin had argued in December 1918, were \\\"in a sense preparing the way for anarchism.\\\"11 [End Page 792] If historians have long known that Lenin and the Bolsheviks were briefly seen as anarchists, few have explored how or why this mattered—if it did. Though anarchists were responsible for most of the estimated 17,000 casualties of terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901–16, they hardly possessed a coherent movement or much ideological salience.12 Of course, Lenin and top Bolsheviks never tired of saying that they were not anarchists. Anarchism meant petit-bourgeois individualism, \\\"in direct opposition to socialism,\\\" Lenin wrote in November 1905.13 Lars T. Lih's bracing reinterpretation of Lenin downplays insurrectionism, visions of soviet democracy, and State and Revolution, a text \\\"irrelevant to the events of the previous year.\\\" The tactics advocated by Karl Kautsky before 1914—namely, a worker-peasant alliance in Russia and nonagreement with \\\"bourgeois\\\" parties—\\\"led to [the Bolsheviks'] victory in October and the ensuing civil war.\\\"14 For Lih, the late Lenin was \\\"a European Social Democrat of Russian origin\\\" (a portrait rejected by many European social democrats). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

列宁,无政府主义者?列宁在1917年4月3日对彼得格勒布尔什维克的“雷鸣般的演讲”“不仅使我这个偶然来访的异教徒感到震惊,而且使所有真正的信徒都感到震惊,”尼古拉·苏汉诺夫回忆道。苏维埃政府的想法让“每一个有政治理论经验的听众”感到震惊,因为它是“一种纯粹的无政府主义模式”,是“地方当局的整体,就像没有任何国家一样,就像‘自由’(独立)工人公社的模式一样。”“四月提纲”——提倡“公社国家”和废除军队、警察和官僚——遭到了社会民主党人的“抗议和愤怒的感叹”。1约瑟夫·戈尔登堡宣称列宁是“无政府主义者”和“[米哈伊尔]巴枯宁的继承人”。“列宁的伪革命策略是巴枯宁伪革命策略的自然产物,”格奥尔基·普列汉诺夫在1917年6月写道。1918年1月,尤利·马尔托夫认为列宁“重复了巴枯宁的旧思想”。第二年,帕维尔·阿克塞尔罗德称布尔什维克主义是“对巴枯宁主义的野蛮而有害的倒退”。1924年,孟什维克党人可能在列宁的灵柩上敬献了花圈,称他为“马克思主义者中最杰出的巴库宁主义者”。“我想,大家都知道,”马克·阿尔达诺夫在1919年出版的列宁传记中沉思道,“对一个俄国社会民主党人来说,最严重的侮辱莫过于称他为无政府主义者,并将他与巴库宁相提并论。”无政府主义者对列宁也有类似的描述,不过是为了赞美他。阿纳托利·戈列利克对列宁的《俄国政党》(1917年4月)和《国家与革命》(1918年)发表了赞许的评论,“在这两本书中,他揭示并证明布尔什维克比无政府主义者本身更无政府主义。”许多其他布尔什维克也以同样的方式表达了自己的观点。6艾肯鲍姆(Vsevolod“Voline”Eikhenbaum)指出,“(列宁的)思想与无政府主义者的思想完全相似,除了国家和权力的观念。”布尔什维克激进分子使用的口号“在那之前,正是无政府主义的特征”,包括对和平、土地和工人控制的要求他们最初采用了“无政府共产主义的某些基本原则和方法”——包括直接行动、反议会主义、苏维埃民主和征收——1921年6月,一群莫斯科无政府主义者冒险行动。“列宁在要求废除军队、警察和官场时,给工人、农民和士兵留下了这样的印象:苏维埃共和国是由散布在俄罗斯广大地区的成千上万个公社苏维埃组成的无政府主义联邦,这个共和国是一个充分的民主国家,发展到合乎逻辑的终点——消灭国家。”马克西莫夫认为,布尔什维克放弃了“正统马克思主义”,转而采用了“无政府主义的口号和方法”,他们“确实是某种意义上的革命者和无政府主义者”。列宁死后,阿波罗·卡列林和全俄无政府共产主义联盟的其他书记们都称赞这位“伟大的革命者”。卡列林在1918年12月曾指出,布尔什维克“在某种意义上是在为无政府主义铺平道路”。如果说历史学家早就知道列宁和布尔什维克被短暂地视为无政府主义者,那么很少有人探讨这一点是如何或为什么重要的——如果确实如此的话。虽然1901 - 1916年间,在俄罗斯帝国的恐怖袭击中,估计有17000人伤亡,无政府主义者要对其中的大部分负责,但他们几乎没有一个连贯的运动,也没有多少意识形态上的显著性当然,列宁和布尔什维克高层们从不厌倦地说他们不是无政府主义者。无政府主义意味着小资产阶级的个人主义,“直接反对社会主义”,列宁在1905年11月写道。拉尔斯·t·李对列宁的令人振奋的重新诠释淡化了叛乱主义、苏维埃民主的愿景和《国家与革命》,这是一篇“与前一年的事件无关”的文章。卡尔·考茨基在1914年之前所提倡的策略——即俄国的工农联盟和与“资产阶级”政党不达成协议——“导致了(布尔什维克)在十月的胜利和随后的内战。”对Lih来说,已故的列宁是“一个俄罗斯血统的欧洲社会民主主义者”(许多欧洲社会民主主义者拒绝接受这一形象)。列宁提出了半无政府主义的口号‘粉碎国家!是“一种普遍的误解”和“歪曲”。为什么它很常见?它是如何产生影响的呢?
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Lenin, the Anarchist? A Constructive Misinterpretation
Lenin, the Anarchist?A Constructive Misinterpretation William Whitham (bio) V. I. Lenin's "thunder-like speech" to Petrograd Bolsheviks on 3 April 1917 "startled and amazed not only me, a heretic who had accidentally dropped in, but all the true believers," remembered Nikolai Sukhanov. The idea of a government of soviets struck "every listener with any experience in political theory" as "a purely anarchist schema," as "a totality of local authority, like the absence of any state in general, like a schema of 'free' (independent) workers' communes." The "April Theses"—advocating a "commune state" and the abolition of the army, police, and bureaucracy—met "protests and exclamations of outrage" from Social Democrats.1 Iosif Gol´denberg declared Lenin an "anarchist" and "the heir of [Mikhail] Bakunin."2 "The pseudo-revolutionary tactics of Lenin are the natural offspring of the pseudo-revolutionary tactics of Bakunin," wrote Georgii Plekhanov in June 1917.3 In January 1918, Iulii Martov argued that Lenin "rehashed the old ideas of Bakunin." The following year, Pavel Aksel´rod called Bolshevism "a savage and pernicious throwback to Bakuninism." In 1924, Mensheviks may have placed a funeral wreath on Lenin's coffin that identified him as "the most outstanding Bakuninist among Marxists."4 "It is well known, I suppose," [End Page 791] mused Mark Aldanov in his 1919 Lenin biography, "that no worse insult could have been offered a Russian Social-Democrat than to call him an anarchist and compare him to Bakunin."5 Anarchists described Lenin similarly, but to praise him. Anatolii Gorelik commented favorably on Lenin's Political Parties in Russia (April 1917) and on State and Revolution (1918), "where he reveals and proves that the Bolsheviks are more anarchist than the anarchists themselves. Many other Bolsheviks expressed themselves the same way."6 Vsevolod "Voline" Eikhenbaum noted "the perfect parallelism between [Lenin's] ideas and those of the Anarchists, except the idea of the State and of Power." Bolshevik activists used "watchwords that, until then, were precisely characteristic of anarchism," including demands for peace, land, and workers' control.7 They initially adopted "certain fundamental principles and methods of Anarchist Communism"—including direct action, antiparliamentarism, soviet democracy, and expropriation—ventured a group of Moscow anarchists in June 1921.8 Grigorii Maksimov went farther. "Lenin, in demanding the abolition of the army, police and officialdom impressed the workers, peasants and soldiers with the idea that a Soviet Republic is an Anarchist Federation of many thousands of Communes-Soviets scattered throughout the vast expanses of Russia, and that this Republic is a full democracy, developed to its logical end—the extinction of the State." The Bolsheviks abandoned "orthodox Marxism" for "Anarchist slogans and methods," Maksimov argued, and "were indeed revolutionists and Anarchists of a sort."9 Upon Lenin's death, Apollon Karelin and other secretaries of the All-Russian Anarcho-Communist Federation eulogized a "great revolutionary."10 The Bolsheviks, Karelin had argued in December 1918, were "in a sense preparing the way for anarchism."11 [End Page 792] If historians have long known that Lenin and the Bolsheviks were briefly seen as anarchists, few have explored how or why this mattered—if it did. Though anarchists were responsible for most of the estimated 17,000 casualties of terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901–16, they hardly possessed a coherent movement or much ideological salience.12 Of course, Lenin and top Bolsheviks never tired of saying that they were not anarchists. Anarchism meant petit-bourgeois individualism, "in direct opposition to socialism," Lenin wrote in November 1905.13 Lars T. Lih's bracing reinterpretation of Lenin downplays insurrectionism, visions of soviet democracy, and State and Revolution, a text "irrelevant to the events of the previous year." The tactics advocated by Karl Kautsky before 1914—namely, a worker-peasant alliance in Russia and nonagreement with "bourgeois" parties—"led to [the Bolsheviks'] victory in October and the ensuing civil war."14 For Lih, the late Lenin was "a European Social Democrat of Russian origin" (a portrait rejected by many European social democrats). That "Lenin advanced the semi-anarchist slogan of 'smash the state!'" in 1917 is "a common misunderstanding" and "distortion."15 Why was it common? How might it have been consequential or...
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期刊介绍: A leading journal of Russian and Eurasian history and culture, Kritika is dedicated to internationalizing the field and making it relevant to a broad interdisciplinary audience. The journal regularly publishes forums, discussions, and special issues; it regularly translates important works by Russian and European scholars into English; and it publishes in every issue in-depth, lengthy review articles, review essays, and reviews of Russian, Eurasian, and European works that are rarely, if ever, reviewed in North American Russian studies journals.
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