{"title":"南非不公正的气候赔偿:对公正能源转型伙伴关系的批评","authors":"Alex Lenferna","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2278953","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"SUMMARYThis briefing critically discusses the moral question of whether South Africa deserves climate reparations.Footnote1 It examines the deeply unequal and polluting nature of the South African economy in order to demonstrate how claims from South Africa for climate finance and reparations are morally complex and fraught. For South Africa’s claims for climate reparations and finance to be justified, the article proposes two conditions. First, that South Africa act in line with its fair share of global climate action. Second, that climate finance must help to transform South Africa’s deeply unjust society and bring benefits not to the rich elite, who themselves owe climate reparations, but to the majority, especially the poor, Black and working class.Applying these two principles, the briefing asks whether the Just Energy Transition (JET) Partnership and the accompanying Investment Plan announced by President Cyril Ramaphosa meet those conditions. It argues that they potentially fail to meet both. The piece also warns that global South countries must be critical of JET Partnership funding models, as they may be used as tools to entrench the interests of international financiers who seek to dominate the clean energy future. To counteract such a possibility, climate justice movements should work to ensure that climate finance is a true fulfilment of climate debt owed to the global South, which works to ensure meaningful social, economic and ecological justice.The author writes this piece not just from an academic perspective as a postdoctoral research fellow. He also writes it from his perspective as the elected General Secretary of the South African Climate Justice Coalition – a coalition of over 50 trade union, grassroots, community-based and non-profit organisations working together to advance a transformative climate justice agenda.Footnote2 In his role as general secretary, he has engaged with coalition member organisations and worked to build a shared and critical activist agenda towards both the JET Partnership and the South African government’s response to the climate crisis more generally.KEYWORDS: Climate justiceinternational financedebtrenewable energysocial movementsSouth Africa AcknowledgementsAs a scholar-activist, I am immersed in a movement filled with rich ideas, discussions and critiques. This piece owes much of its insights and thanks to the movement of which I am but a small part.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Here I take the term morality to be describing a system or set of principles and values that are used to determine what should be considered right or wrong, just or unjust, fair or unfair. Conceptions of morality can help to determine what a just and fair society should look like and why we should condemn and rectify inequality, injustice and harms at a systemic, community and individual level. By way of further clarification, I am not talking about a descriptive version of morality that tries to describe what people happen to believe to be moral. Rather, it is a normative description of morality, which attempts to outline and prescribe what should be considered moral. Using normative morality, this paper is an exercise in applied ethics, drawing on particular moral principles to apply them to questions of climate justice.2 More information about the Climate Justice Coalition is available at their website, climatejusticecoalition.org.3 Such an approach to combining climate and colonial reparations as part of building a more just future coheres well with the constructive view of reparations put forward by Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò (Citation2022) in Reconsidering Reparations. According to this view, reparations are ‘a historically informed view of distributive justice, serving a larger and broader worldmaking project. Reparation, like the broader struggle for social justice, is concerned with building the just world to come’.4 The ANC driving widespread privatisation may sound surprising to international readers who view the ANC historically as a left-leaning political party. However, it forms part of the ANC’s turn towards neoliberalism since 1996 and is part of a long-term process of privatisation of the energy sector, characterised by disaster capitalism, corruption and underfunding of the energy sector on the part of the state (Bond Citation2000; Lenferna Citation2022).5 Concerns about the JET Investment Plan and green structural adjustment were expressed by several civil society actors at a workshop attended by the author. The workshop was on international finance institutions, hosted in June 2023 in Johannesburg by the Alternative Information and Development Centre and Institute for Economic Justice. These concerns have also been raised by members of Trade Unions for Energy Democracy (Citation2023).6 This is according to reports from trade union representatives in a workshop the author attended on the JET Partnership in March 2022 at the University of Johannesburg.Additional informationFundingDr Lenferna’s work is based on the research supported by the National Institute for Humanities and the Social Sciences (NIHSS). Opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in any publication generated by the NIHSS-supported grant are those of the author, and the NIHSS accepts no liability in this regard. His work is also based on the research supported by the National Research Foundation of South Africa (NRF) (grant number 99188). Opinions, findings, conclusions and recommendations expressed in this work are those of the author alone and the NRF accepts no liability in this regard.Notes on contributorsAlex LenfernaAlex Lenferna is a post-doctoral research fellow at Nelson Mandela University; he is affiliated with the Department of Development Studies and under the Chair in Identities and Social Cohesion in Africa.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"5 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"South Africa’s unjust climate reparations: a critique of the Just Energy Transition Partnership\",\"authors\":\"Alex Lenferna\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/03056244.2023.2278953\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"SUMMARYThis briefing critically discusses the moral question of whether South Africa deserves climate reparations.Footnote1 It examines the deeply unequal and polluting nature of the South African economy in order to demonstrate how claims from South Africa for climate finance and reparations are morally complex and fraught. For South Africa’s claims for climate reparations and finance to be justified, the article proposes two conditions. First, that South Africa act in line with its fair share of global climate action. Second, that climate finance must help to transform South Africa’s deeply unjust society and bring benefits not to the rich elite, who themselves owe climate reparations, but to the majority, especially the poor, Black and working class.Applying these two principles, the briefing asks whether the Just Energy Transition (JET) Partnership and the accompanying Investment Plan announced by President Cyril Ramaphosa meet those conditions. It argues that they potentially fail to meet both. The piece also warns that global South countries must be critical of JET Partnership funding models, as they may be used as tools to entrench the interests of international financiers who seek to dominate the clean energy future. To counteract such a possibility, climate justice movements should work to ensure that climate finance is a true fulfilment of climate debt owed to the global South, which works to ensure meaningful social, economic and ecological justice.The author writes this piece not just from an academic perspective as a postdoctoral research fellow. He also writes it from his perspective as the elected General Secretary of the South African Climate Justice Coalition – a coalition of over 50 trade union, grassroots, community-based and non-profit organisations working together to advance a transformative climate justice agenda.Footnote2 In his role as general secretary, he has engaged with coalition member organisations and worked to build a shared and critical activist agenda towards both the JET Partnership and the South African government’s response to the climate crisis more generally.KEYWORDS: Climate justiceinternational financedebtrenewable energysocial movementsSouth Africa AcknowledgementsAs a scholar-activist, I am immersed in a movement filled with rich ideas, discussions and critiques. This piece owes much of its insights and thanks to the movement of which I am but a small part.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Here I take the term morality to be describing a system or set of principles and values that are used to determine what should be considered right or wrong, just or unjust, fair or unfair. Conceptions of morality can help to determine what a just and fair society should look like and why we should condemn and rectify inequality, injustice and harms at a systemic, community and individual level. By way of further clarification, I am not talking about a descriptive version of morality that tries to describe what people happen to believe to be moral. Rather, it is a normative description of morality, which attempts to outline and prescribe what should be considered moral. Using normative morality, this paper is an exercise in applied ethics, drawing on particular moral principles to apply them to questions of climate justice.2 More information about the Climate Justice Coalition is available at their website, climatejusticecoalition.org.3 Such an approach to combining climate and colonial reparations as part of building a more just future coheres well with the constructive view of reparations put forward by Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò (Citation2022) in Reconsidering Reparations. According to this view, reparations are ‘a historically informed view of distributive justice, serving a larger and broader worldmaking project. Reparation, like the broader struggle for social justice, is concerned with building the just world to come’.4 The ANC driving widespread privatisation may sound surprising to international readers who view the ANC historically as a left-leaning political party. However, it forms part of the ANC’s turn towards neoliberalism since 1996 and is part of a long-term process of privatisation of the energy sector, characterised by disaster capitalism, corruption and underfunding of the energy sector on the part of the state (Bond Citation2000; Lenferna Citation2022).5 Concerns about the JET Investment Plan and green structural adjustment were expressed by several civil society actors at a workshop attended by the author. The workshop was on international finance institutions, hosted in June 2023 in Johannesburg by the Alternative Information and Development Centre and Institute for Economic Justice. These concerns have also been raised by members of Trade Unions for Energy Democracy (Citation2023).6 This is according to reports from trade union representatives in a workshop the author attended on the JET Partnership in March 2022 at the University of Johannesburg.Additional informationFundingDr Lenferna’s work is based on the research supported by the National Institute for Humanities and the Social Sciences (NIHSS). Opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in any publication generated by the NIHSS-supported grant are those of the author, and the NIHSS accepts no liability in this regard. His work is also based on the research supported by the National Research Foundation of South Africa (NRF) (grant number 99188). 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引用次数: 0
摘要
本简报批判性地讨论了南非是否应该得到气候赔偿的道德问题。它考察了南非经济的严重不平等和污染性质,以证明南非对气候融资和赔偿的要求在道德上是多么复杂和令人担忧。为了使南非对气候赔偿和财政的要求得到证明,这篇文章提出了两个条件。首先,南非的行动应符合其在全球气候行动中的公平份额。其次,气候融资必须有助于改变南非极度不公正的社会,并让大多数人受益,尤其是穷人、黑人和工人阶级,而不是富裕的精英阶层(他们自己也欠气候赔款)。根据这两项原则,简报询问总统西里尔·拉马福萨(Cyril Ramaphosa)宣布的公正能源转型伙伴关系(JET)和随附的投资计划是否符合这些条件。它认为,它们可能无法同时满足这两个要求。这篇文章还警告说,全球南方国家必须对JET Partnership的融资模式持批评态度,因为它们可能被用作维护寻求主导清洁能源未来的国际金融家利益的工具。为了消除这种可能性,气候正义运动应努力确保气候融资真正履行欠全球南方国家的气候债务,后者致力于确保有意义的社会、经济和生态正义。作者以博士后研究员的身份写这篇文章,并不仅仅是从学术角度出发。他还以南非气候正义联盟(South African Climate Justice Coalition)当选秘书长的身份写了这篇文章。该联盟由50多个工会、基层、社区和非营利组织组成,共同努力推进变革性气候正义议程。在担任秘书长期间,他与联盟成员组织进行了接触,并致力于为JET伙伴关系和南非政府更广泛地应对气候危机建立一个共享和关键的活动家议程。关键词:气候正义国际金融可再生能源社会运动南非致谢作为一名学者活动家,我沉浸在一个充满丰富思想、讨论和批评的运动中。这篇文章很大程度上归功于它的洞察力,也要感谢这场运动,而我只是其中很小的一部分。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1在这里,我用“道德”一词来描述一个系统或一套原则和价值观,这些原则和价值观被用来决定什么应该被认为是对或错,正义或不公正,公平或不公平。道德观念有助于确定一个公正和公平的社会应该是什么样子,以及为什么我们应该在系统、社区和个人层面谴责和纠正不平等、不公正和伤害。为了进一步澄清,我不是在谈论描述性的道德,试图描述人们碰巧相信什么是道德的。相反,它是对道德的规范性描述,试图概述和规定什么应该被认为是道德的。使用规范道德,本文是应用伦理学的练习,利用特定的道德原则将其应用于气候正义问题关于气候正义联盟的更多信息可以在他们的网站上找到,climatejusticecoalition.org。3这种将气候和殖民赔偿结合起来,作为建设更公正未来的一部分的方法,与Olúfẹ ø mi O. Táíwò (Citation2022)在《重新考虑赔偿》中提出的建设性赔偿观点非常一致。根据这一观点,赔偿是“一种基于历史的关于分配正义的观点,服务于一个更大、更广泛的世界建设项目”。赔偿,如同更广泛的争取社会正义的斗争一样,关系到建立一个正义的未来世界对于那些认为非国大历史上是一个左倾政党的国际读者来说,非国大推动广泛的私有化可能听起来令人惊讶。然而,它构成了非洲人国民大会自1996年以来转向新自由主义的一部分,是能源部门私有化的长期过程的一部分,其特征是灾难资本主义、腐败和国家能源部门资金不足(Bond Citation2000;Lenferna Citation2022) 5在笔者参加的一个讲习班上,一些民间社会行为者表达了对JET投资计划和绿色结构调整的关切。该研讨会是关于国际金融机构的,由替代信息与发展中心和经济正义研究所于2023年6月在约翰内斯堡主办。能源民主工会(Citation2023)成员也提出了这些担忧。 这是根据作者于2022年3月在约翰内斯堡大学参加的JET伙伴关系研讨会上工会代表的报告得出的。Lenferna博士的工作是基于国家人文社会科学研究所(NIHSS)支持的研究。由NIHSS资助的任何出版物中表达的意见、发现、结论或建议均为作者的意见、发现、结论或建议,NIHSS对此不承担任何责任。他的工作也基于南非国家研究基金会(NRF)(资助号99188)支持的研究。本工作中表达的意见、发现、结论和建议仅代表作者的观点,NRF对此不承担任何责任。作者简介:alex Lenferna,纳尔逊·曼德拉大学博士后研究员;他隶属于发展研究系,并担任非洲身份和社会凝聚力问题主席。
South Africa’s unjust climate reparations: a critique of the Just Energy Transition Partnership
SUMMARYThis briefing critically discusses the moral question of whether South Africa deserves climate reparations.Footnote1 It examines the deeply unequal and polluting nature of the South African economy in order to demonstrate how claims from South Africa for climate finance and reparations are morally complex and fraught. For South Africa’s claims for climate reparations and finance to be justified, the article proposes two conditions. First, that South Africa act in line with its fair share of global climate action. Second, that climate finance must help to transform South Africa’s deeply unjust society and bring benefits not to the rich elite, who themselves owe climate reparations, but to the majority, especially the poor, Black and working class.Applying these two principles, the briefing asks whether the Just Energy Transition (JET) Partnership and the accompanying Investment Plan announced by President Cyril Ramaphosa meet those conditions. It argues that they potentially fail to meet both. The piece also warns that global South countries must be critical of JET Partnership funding models, as they may be used as tools to entrench the interests of international financiers who seek to dominate the clean energy future. To counteract such a possibility, climate justice movements should work to ensure that climate finance is a true fulfilment of climate debt owed to the global South, which works to ensure meaningful social, economic and ecological justice.The author writes this piece not just from an academic perspective as a postdoctoral research fellow. He also writes it from his perspective as the elected General Secretary of the South African Climate Justice Coalition – a coalition of over 50 trade union, grassroots, community-based and non-profit organisations working together to advance a transformative climate justice agenda.Footnote2 In his role as general secretary, he has engaged with coalition member organisations and worked to build a shared and critical activist agenda towards both the JET Partnership and the South African government’s response to the climate crisis more generally.KEYWORDS: Climate justiceinternational financedebtrenewable energysocial movementsSouth Africa AcknowledgementsAs a scholar-activist, I am immersed in a movement filled with rich ideas, discussions and critiques. This piece owes much of its insights and thanks to the movement of which I am but a small part.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Here I take the term morality to be describing a system or set of principles and values that are used to determine what should be considered right or wrong, just or unjust, fair or unfair. Conceptions of morality can help to determine what a just and fair society should look like and why we should condemn and rectify inequality, injustice and harms at a systemic, community and individual level. By way of further clarification, I am not talking about a descriptive version of morality that tries to describe what people happen to believe to be moral. Rather, it is a normative description of morality, which attempts to outline and prescribe what should be considered moral. Using normative morality, this paper is an exercise in applied ethics, drawing on particular moral principles to apply them to questions of climate justice.2 More information about the Climate Justice Coalition is available at their website, climatejusticecoalition.org.3 Such an approach to combining climate and colonial reparations as part of building a more just future coheres well with the constructive view of reparations put forward by Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò (Citation2022) in Reconsidering Reparations. According to this view, reparations are ‘a historically informed view of distributive justice, serving a larger and broader worldmaking project. Reparation, like the broader struggle for social justice, is concerned with building the just world to come’.4 The ANC driving widespread privatisation may sound surprising to international readers who view the ANC historically as a left-leaning political party. However, it forms part of the ANC’s turn towards neoliberalism since 1996 and is part of a long-term process of privatisation of the energy sector, characterised by disaster capitalism, corruption and underfunding of the energy sector on the part of the state (Bond Citation2000; Lenferna Citation2022).5 Concerns about the JET Investment Plan and green structural adjustment were expressed by several civil society actors at a workshop attended by the author. The workshop was on international finance institutions, hosted in June 2023 in Johannesburg by the Alternative Information and Development Centre and Institute for Economic Justice. These concerns have also been raised by members of Trade Unions for Energy Democracy (Citation2023).6 This is according to reports from trade union representatives in a workshop the author attended on the JET Partnership in March 2022 at the University of Johannesburg.Additional informationFundingDr Lenferna’s work is based on the research supported by the National Institute for Humanities and the Social Sciences (NIHSS). Opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in any publication generated by the NIHSS-supported grant are those of the author, and the NIHSS accepts no liability in this regard. His work is also based on the research supported by the National Research Foundation of South Africa (NRF) (grant number 99188). Opinions, findings, conclusions and recommendations expressed in this work are those of the author alone and the NRF accepts no liability in this regard.Notes on contributorsAlex LenfernaAlex Lenferna is a post-doctoral research fellow at Nelson Mandela University; he is affiliated with the Department of Development Studies and under the Chair in Identities and Social Cohesion in Africa.
期刊介绍:
The Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE) is a refereed journal committed to encouraging high quality research and fostering excellence in the understanding of African political economy. Published quarterly by Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group for the ROAPE international collective it has since 1974 provided radical analysis of trends and issues in Africa. It has paid particular attention to the political economy of inequality, exploitation and oppression, whether driven by global forces or local ones (such as class, race, community and gender), and to materialist interpretations of change in Africa. It has sustained a critical analysis of the nature of power and the state in Africa.