评论"主席致辞:发展中的需求方制约因素:市场规模、贸易和(不)平等的作用",作者:Pinelopi Koujianou Goldberg 和 Tristan Reed

IF 6.6 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Econometrica Pub Date : 2023-12-07 DOI:10.3982/ECTA22318
Paula Bustos
{"title":"评论\"主席致辞:发展中的需求方制约因素:市场规模、贸易和(不)平等的作用\",作者:Pinelopi Koujianou Goldberg 和 Tristan Reed","authors":"Paula Bustos","doi":"10.3982/ECTA22318","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p><span>Let me start this comment</span> by confessing that as I was reading the paper, I found myself staring at the tables documenting poverty reduction and market size changes across countries with a level of curiosity and interest that I had not experienced in a long time. Is it true that small market size is a constraint for economic development? Can it be overcome through international or domestic market size? At a time when globalization is being questioned, these are important and difficult questions that Goldberg and Reed wisely address.</p><p>The paper builds on the classic idea that the transition from agriculture to manufacturing requires the adoption of advanced technologies which are subject to increasing returns to scale and thus are only profitable when operated on a large market. The theoretical literature has proposed two mechanisms through which this market size can be attained: first, through expansion in international markets (<span>Helpman and Krugman</span> (<span>1985</span>)), a road taken by East Asian countries; second, through growth in domestic markets (<span>Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny</span> (<span>1989</span>)), which the authors note was the road recently taken by other developing countries like India. Is there systematic evidence that these mechanisms were important for poverty reduction in the past four decades?</p><p>A first challenge in addressing this question is that there are several theoretical mechanisms through which market size can affect development. Some of these mechanisms involve firm-level economies of scale, while others require industry- or economy-level increasing returns. A second difficulty is that developing countries around the world had very different strategies to integrate in the world economy, encompassing regional free trade agreements and unilateral trade liberalizations. A final issue is that it is difficult to track the effects of firm-level productivity gains in the household-level outcomes of poor informal workers (<span>Goldberg and Pavcnik</span> (<span>2004</span>), <span>Topalova</span> (<span>2010</span>)).</p><p>The empirical literature has made progress by testing for different theoretical mechanisms using (i) detailed product and firm-level data that permit direct observation of the outcomes of interest at different levels of aggregation; (ii) exogenous changes in market size generated by trade liberalization episodes or other trade shocks. <sup>1</sup> The consensus view is that expansion into international markets induces firms to upgrade technology, quality, and skills, leading to productivity gains. A natural question at this point is to what extent these mechanisms carefully documented at the firm level had important aggregate effects on the level of poverty in developing countries.</p><p>This paper addresses this question by observing the aggregate cross-country data through the lens of a “new growth theory” model where the industrial sector is characterized by increasing returns and imperfect competition (<span>Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny</span> (<span>1989</span>)). The empirical strategy puts minimal structure on the data to capture the essential ingredients of the market size mechanism, namely, that there is a threshold market size after which adoption of technologies leading to development is profitable. Instead of analyzing outcomes directly linked to the theoretical mechanisms, the analysis focuses on the outcome of interest: poverty reduction. And instead of exploiting the details of trade policy for causal identification, Goldberg and Reed measure the size of the international market for each country. Importantly, variation in this measure is driven by trade policy through the signature of international trade agreements and the size of trading partners. I think there is a lot to learn from this “let's look at the elephant in the room” approach which takes the essential ingredients of the model to the relevant features of the data.</p><p>Goldberg and Reed find that a country with a population smaller than 325 million people whose income is lower than the global middle class does not have a domestic market large enough to sustain poverty reduction. These findings imply that the international market is key for most developing countries, which are not large enough to follow the path of India. What will be the development prospects for these countries if there is a reversal of globalization? The authors find that countries with a large middle class can rely on their domestic market, as a 10% increase in the middle-class share represents an increase in population size of 50 million for the average developing country in the sample. The authors conclude that redistribution towards the middle class can be an effective way of increasing domestic demand for small countries with scarce international market access.</p><p>The paper also investigates the mechanisms proposed by <span>Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny</span> (<span>1989</span>), where a widely distributed initial income boost, driven by agricultural productivity growth or commodity exports, can generate domestic demand for the increasing returns sector and start the development process. They found that poverty reduction episodes are often preceded by fast export growth, but not by agricultural productivity growth. In my view, this finding lends support to the hypothesis that countries with a comparative advantage in agriculture do not have a clear path to start the structural transformation process. While closed-economy models of structural change suggest that fast productivity growth in agriculture can generate demand for manufacturing and services, these effects are hard to find in the data,<sup>2</sup> first, because in open economies a comparative advantage in agriculture leads to specialization in this sector and imports of manufacturing goods;<sup>3</sup> and second, because new agricultural technologies are labor-saving, thus income gains tend to be concentrated in the hands of land owners. As a result, agricultural productivity growth might not generate increases in demand for non-traded services.<sup>4</sup></p><p>The findings by Goldberg and Reed are relevant for these commodity-based economies as they suggest a role for demand-side policies in starting the structural transformation process. Governments can redistribute the gains from primary sectors to generate a middle class that can sustain a transition to manufacturing and services. Some Latin American countries have implemented policies in this direction after the commodity boom in the 2000s, with mixed consequences. Large social programs and high minimum wages in Brazil significantly reduced inequality (<span>Barros, De Carvalho, Franco, and Mendonça</span> (<span>2010</span>), <span>Engbom and Moser</span> (<span>2022</span>)). However, redistributive efforts did not succeed in other countries, notably Argentina and Venezuela. One concern is that some developing countries do not have the state capacity to tax and redistribute the resources generated by the primary sector. In this case, resources end up concentrated in the hands of government officials, leading to corruption, populism, and conflict. Understanding the conditions under which redistributive policies succeed at changing the income distribution in a sustained manner appears to be an interesting area for future work.</p><p>A second potential avenue for countries with a comparative advantage in primary sectors would be to invest in supply-side policies that shift comparative advantage towards sectors that employ more labor, such as industry and traded services. These could be classic supply-side policies such as educational investment or industrial policies. These interventions directed to change the sectorial composition of the economy can generate a more equal distribution of income without the need of large redistributive policies. There is a recent empirical literature exploring the effectiveness of industrial policy experiments (<span>Kalouptsidi</span> (<span>2018</span>), <span>Choi and Levchenko</span> (<span>2023</span>)) or other shocks that affect the relative profitability of industries with increasing returns (<span>Juhász</span> (<span>2018</span>), <span>Bartelme, Costinot, Donaldson, and Rodriguez-Clare</span> (<span>2021</span>), <span>Bustos, Castro Vincenzi, Monras, and Ponticelli</span> (<span>2022</span>)). Hopefully, more work in this area will uncover some regularities that can inform a consensus view in the near future.</p>","PeriodicalId":50556,"journal":{"name":"Econometrica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":6.6000,"publicationDate":"2023-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.3982/ECTA22318","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"A Comment on: “Presidential Address: Demand-Side Constraints in Development: The Role of Market Size, Trade, and (In)Equality” by Pinelopi Koujianou Goldberg and Tristan Reed\",\"authors\":\"Paula Bustos\",\"doi\":\"10.3982/ECTA22318\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p><span>Let me start this comment</span> by confessing that as I was reading the paper, I found myself staring at the tables documenting poverty reduction and market size changes across countries with a level of curiosity and interest that I had not experienced in a long time. Is it true that small market size is a constraint for economic development? Can it be overcome through international or domestic market size? At a time when globalization is being questioned, these are important and difficult questions that Goldberg and Reed wisely address.</p><p>The paper builds on the classic idea that the transition from agriculture to manufacturing requires the adoption of advanced technologies which are subject to increasing returns to scale and thus are only profitable when operated on a large market. The theoretical literature has proposed two mechanisms through which this market size can be attained: first, through expansion in international markets (<span>Helpman and Krugman</span> (<span>1985</span>)), a road taken by East Asian countries; second, through growth in domestic markets (<span>Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny</span> (<span>1989</span>)), which the authors note was the road recently taken by other developing countries like India. Is there systematic evidence that these mechanisms were important for poverty reduction in the past four decades?</p><p>A first challenge in addressing this question is that there are several theoretical mechanisms through which market size can affect development. Some of these mechanisms involve firm-level economies of scale, while others require industry- or economy-level increasing returns. A second difficulty is that developing countries around the world had very different strategies to integrate in the world economy, encompassing regional free trade agreements and unilateral trade liberalizations. A final issue is that it is difficult to track the effects of firm-level productivity gains in the household-level outcomes of poor informal workers (<span>Goldberg and Pavcnik</span> (<span>2004</span>), <span>Topalova</span> (<span>2010</span>)).</p><p>The empirical literature has made progress by testing for different theoretical mechanisms using (i) detailed product and firm-level data that permit direct observation of the outcomes of interest at different levels of aggregation; (ii) exogenous changes in market size generated by trade liberalization episodes or other trade shocks. <sup>1</sup> The consensus view is that expansion into international markets induces firms to upgrade technology, quality, and skills, leading to productivity gains. A natural question at this point is to what extent these mechanisms carefully documented at the firm level had important aggregate effects on the level of poverty in developing countries.</p><p>This paper addresses this question by observing the aggregate cross-country data through the lens of a “new growth theory” model where the industrial sector is characterized by increasing returns and imperfect competition (<span>Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny</span> (<span>1989</span>)). The empirical strategy puts minimal structure on the data to capture the essential ingredients of the market size mechanism, namely, that there is a threshold market size after which adoption of technologies leading to development is profitable. Instead of analyzing outcomes directly linked to the theoretical mechanisms, the analysis focuses on the outcome of interest: poverty reduction. And instead of exploiting the details of trade policy for causal identification, Goldberg and Reed measure the size of the international market for each country. Importantly, variation in this measure is driven by trade policy through the signature of international trade agreements and the size of trading partners. I think there is a lot to learn from this “let's look at the elephant in the room” approach which takes the essential ingredients of the model to the relevant features of the data.</p><p>Goldberg and Reed find that a country with a population smaller than 325 million people whose income is lower than the global middle class does not have a domestic market large enough to sustain poverty reduction. These findings imply that the international market is key for most developing countries, which are not large enough to follow the path of India. What will be the development prospects for these countries if there is a reversal of globalization? The authors find that countries with a large middle class can rely on their domestic market, as a 10% increase in the middle-class share represents an increase in population size of 50 million for the average developing country in the sample. The authors conclude that redistribution towards the middle class can be an effective way of increasing domestic demand for small countries with scarce international market access.</p><p>The paper also investigates the mechanisms proposed by <span>Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny</span> (<span>1989</span>), where a widely distributed initial income boost, driven by agricultural productivity growth or commodity exports, can generate domestic demand for the increasing returns sector and start the development process. They found that poverty reduction episodes are often preceded by fast export growth, but not by agricultural productivity growth. In my view, this finding lends support to the hypothesis that countries with a comparative advantage in agriculture do not have a clear path to start the structural transformation process. While closed-economy models of structural change suggest that fast productivity growth in agriculture can generate demand for manufacturing and services, these effects are hard to find in the data,<sup>2</sup> first, because in open economies a comparative advantage in agriculture leads to specialization in this sector and imports of manufacturing goods;<sup>3</sup> and second, because new agricultural technologies are labor-saving, thus income gains tend to be concentrated in the hands of land owners. As a result, agricultural productivity growth might not generate increases in demand for non-traded services.<sup>4</sup></p><p>The findings by Goldberg and Reed are relevant for these commodity-based economies as they suggest a role for demand-side policies in starting the structural transformation process. Governments can redistribute the gains from primary sectors to generate a middle class that can sustain a transition to manufacturing and services. Some Latin American countries have implemented policies in this direction after the commodity boom in the 2000s, with mixed consequences. Large social programs and high minimum wages in Brazil significantly reduced inequality (<span>Barros, De Carvalho, Franco, and Mendonça</span> (<span>2010</span>), <span>Engbom and Moser</span> (<span>2022</span>)). However, redistributive efforts did not succeed in other countries, notably Argentina and Venezuela. One concern is that some developing countries do not have the state capacity to tax and redistribute the resources generated by the primary sector. In this case, resources end up concentrated in the hands of government officials, leading to corruption, populism, and conflict. Understanding the conditions under which redistributive policies succeed at changing the income distribution in a sustained manner appears to be an interesting area for future work.</p><p>A second potential avenue for countries with a comparative advantage in primary sectors would be to invest in supply-side policies that shift comparative advantage towards sectors that employ more labor, such as industry and traded services. These could be classic supply-side policies such as educational investment or industrial policies. These interventions directed to change the sectorial composition of the economy can generate a more equal distribution of income without the need of large redistributive policies. There is a recent empirical literature exploring the effectiveness of industrial policy experiments (<span>Kalouptsidi</span> (<span>2018</span>), <span>Choi and Levchenko</span> (<span>2023</span>)) or other shocks that affect the relative profitability of industries with increasing returns (<span>Juhász</span> (<span>2018</span>), <span>Bartelme, Costinot, Donaldson, and Rodriguez-Clare</span> (<span>2021</span>), <span>Bustos, Castro Vincenzi, Monras, and Ponticelli</span> (<span>2022</span>)). Hopefully, more work in this area will uncover some regularities that can inform a consensus view in the near future.</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":50556,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Econometrica\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":6.6000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-12-07\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.3982/ECTA22318\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Econometrica\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"96\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.3982/ECTA22318\",\"RegionNum\":1,\"RegionCategory\":\"经济学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"ECONOMICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Econometrica","FirstCategoryId":"96","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.3982/ECTA22318","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"ECONOMICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

他们发现,在减贫事件发生之前,往往是出口快速增长,而不是农业生产率增长。我认为,这一发现支持了这样一个假设,即在农业方面具有比较优势的国家在启动结构转型过程中没有明确的路径。虽然封闭经济的结构变革模型表明,农业生产率的快速增长可以产生对制造业和服务业的需求,但这些效应很难在数据中找到,2 首先,因为在开放经济中,农业的比较优势会导致该部门的专业化和制造业产品的进口;3 其次,因为新的农业技术是节省劳动力的,因此收入的增加往往集中在土地所有者手中。4 戈德伯格和里德的研究结果与这些以商品为基础的经济体相关,因为它们表明需求方政策在启动结构转型过程中的作用。政府可以重新分配初级部门的收益,以产生一个能够维持向制造业和服务业转型的中产阶级。一些拉美国家在 2000 年代大宗商品繁荣之后实施了这方面的政策,结果喜忧参半。巴西的大型社会计划和高最低工资大大减少了不平等(Barros、De Carvalho、Franco 和 Mendonça(2010 年),Engbom 和 Moser(2022 年))。然而,在其他国家,特别是阿根廷和委内瑞拉,再分配努力并未取得成功。一个令人担忧的问题是,一些发展中国家不具备对第一产业产生的资源进行征税和再分配的国家能力。在这种情况下,资源最终集中在政府官员手中,导致腐败、民粹主义和冲突。对于在第一产业具有比较优势的国家来说,第二个可能的途径是投资于供应方政策,将比较优势转向雇佣更多劳动力的部门,如工业和贸易服务业。这些可以是典型的供应方政策,如教育投资或产业政策。这些旨在改变经济部门构成的干预措施,可以在不需要大规模再分配政策的情况下,产生更加平等的收入分配。最近有一篇实证文献探讨了产业政策实验的有效性(Kalouptsidi (2018)、Choi 和 Levchenko (2023))或其他影响收益递增行业相对盈利能力的冲击(Juhász (2018)、Bartelme、Costinot、Donaldson 和 Rodriguez-Clare (2021)、Bustos、Castro Vincenzi、Monras 和 Ponticelli (2022))。希望在这一领域开展的更多工作能发现一些规律性的东西,以便在不久的将来达成共识。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
A Comment on: “Presidential Address: Demand-Side Constraints in Development: The Role of Market Size, Trade, and (In)Equality” by Pinelopi Koujianou Goldberg and Tristan Reed

Let me start this comment by confessing that as I was reading the paper, I found myself staring at the tables documenting poverty reduction and market size changes across countries with a level of curiosity and interest that I had not experienced in a long time. Is it true that small market size is a constraint for economic development? Can it be overcome through international or domestic market size? At a time when globalization is being questioned, these are important and difficult questions that Goldberg and Reed wisely address.

The paper builds on the classic idea that the transition from agriculture to manufacturing requires the adoption of advanced technologies which are subject to increasing returns to scale and thus are only profitable when operated on a large market. The theoretical literature has proposed two mechanisms through which this market size can be attained: first, through expansion in international markets (Helpman and Krugman (1985)), a road taken by East Asian countries; second, through growth in domestic markets (Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny (1989)), which the authors note was the road recently taken by other developing countries like India. Is there systematic evidence that these mechanisms were important for poverty reduction in the past four decades?

A first challenge in addressing this question is that there are several theoretical mechanisms through which market size can affect development. Some of these mechanisms involve firm-level economies of scale, while others require industry- or economy-level increasing returns. A second difficulty is that developing countries around the world had very different strategies to integrate in the world economy, encompassing regional free trade agreements and unilateral trade liberalizations. A final issue is that it is difficult to track the effects of firm-level productivity gains in the household-level outcomes of poor informal workers (Goldberg and Pavcnik (2004), Topalova (2010)).

The empirical literature has made progress by testing for different theoretical mechanisms using (i) detailed product and firm-level data that permit direct observation of the outcomes of interest at different levels of aggregation; (ii) exogenous changes in market size generated by trade liberalization episodes or other trade shocks. 1 The consensus view is that expansion into international markets induces firms to upgrade technology, quality, and skills, leading to productivity gains. A natural question at this point is to what extent these mechanisms carefully documented at the firm level had important aggregate effects on the level of poverty in developing countries.

This paper addresses this question by observing the aggregate cross-country data through the lens of a “new growth theory” model where the industrial sector is characterized by increasing returns and imperfect competition (Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny (1989)). The empirical strategy puts minimal structure on the data to capture the essential ingredients of the market size mechanism, namely, that there is a threshold market size after which adoption of technologies leading to development is profitable. Instead of analyzing outcomes directly linked to the theoretical mechanisms, the analysis focuses on the outcome of interest: poverty reduction. And instead of exploiting the details of trade policy for causal identification, Goldberg and Reed measure the size of the international market for each country. Importantly, variation in this measure is driven by trade policy through the signature of international trade agreements and the size of trading partners. I think there is a lot to learn from this “let's look at the elephant in the room” approach which takes the essential ingredients of the model to the relevant features of the data.

Goldberg and Reed find that a country with a population smaller than 325 million people whose income is lower than the global middle class does not have a domestic market large enough to sustain poverty reduction. These findings imply that the international market is key for most developing countries, which are not large enough to follow the path of India. What will be the development prospects for these countries if there is a reversal of globalization? The authors find that countries with a large middle class can rely on their domestic market, as a 10% increase in the middle-class share represents an increase in population size of 50 million for the average developing country in the sample. The authors conclude that redistribution towards the middle class can be an effective way of increasing domestic demand for small countries with scarce international market access.

The paper also investigates the mechanisms proposed by Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny (1989), where a widely distributed initial income boost, driven by agricultural productivity growth or commodity exports, can generate domestic demand for the increasing returns sector and start the development process. They found that poverty reduction episodes are often preceded by fast export growth, but not by agricultural productivity growth. In my view, this finding lends support to the hypothesis that countries with a comparative advantage in agriculture do not have a clear path to start the structural transformation process. While closed-economy models of structural change suggest that fast productivity growth in agriculture can generate demand for manufacturing and services, these effects are hard to find in the data,2 first, because in open economies a comparative advantage in agriculture leads to specialization in this sector and imports of manufacturing goods;3 and second, because new agricultural technologies are labor-saving, thus income gains tend to be concentrated in the hands of land owners. As a result, agricultural productivity growth might not generate increases in demand for non-traded services.4

The findings by Goldberg and Reed are relevant for these commodity-based economies as they suggest a role for demand-side policies in starting the structural transformation process. Governments can redistribute the gains from primary sectors to generate a middle class that can sustain a transition to manufacturing and services. Some Latin American countries have implemented policies in this direction after the commodity boom in the 2000s, with mixed consequences. Large social programs and high minimum wages in Brazil significantly reduced inequality (Barros, De Carvalho, Franco, and Mendonça (2010), Engbom and Moser (2022)). However, redistributive efforts did not succeed in other countries, notably Argentina and Venezuela. One concern is that some developing countries do not have the state capacity to tax and redistribute the resources generated by the primary sector. In this case, resources end up concentrated in the hands of government officials, leading to corruption, populism, and conflict. Understanding the conditions under which redistributive policies succeed at changing the income distribution in a sustained manner appears to be an interesting area for future work.

A second potential avenue for countries with a comparative advantage in primary sectors would be to invest in supply-side policies that shift comparative advantage towards sectors that employ more labor, such as industry and traded services. These could be classic supply-side policies such as educational investment or industrial policies. These interventions directed to change the sectorial composition of the economy can generate a more equal distribution of income without the need of large redistributive policies. There is a recent empirical literature exploring the effectiveness of industrial policy experiments (Kalouptsidi (2018), Choi and Levchenko (2023)) or other shocks that affect the relative profitability of industries with increasing returns (Juhász (2018), Bartelme, Costinot, Donaldson, and Rodriguez-Clare (2021), Bustos, Castro Vincenzi, Monras, and Ponticelli (2022)). Hopefully, more work in this area will uncover some regularities that can inform a consensus view in the near future.

求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
Econometrica
Econometrica 社会科学-数学跨学科应用
CiteScore
11.00
自引率
3.30%
发文量
75
审稿时长
6-12 weeks
期刊介绍: Econometrica publishes original articles in all branches of economics - theoretical and empirical, abstract and applied, providing wide-ranging coverage across the subject area. It promotes studies that aim at the unification of the theoretical-quantitative and the empirical-quantitative approach to economic problems and that are penetrated by constructive and rigorous thinking. It explores a unique range of topics each year - from the frontier of theoretical developments in many new and important areas, to research on current and applied economic problems, to methodologically innovative, theoretical and applied studies in econometrics. Econometrica maintains a long tradition that submitted articles are refereed carefully and that detailed and thoughtful referee reports are provided to the author as an aid to scientific research, thus ensuring the high calibre of papers found in Econometrica. An international board of editors, together with the referees it has selected, has succeeded in substantially reducing editorial turnaround time, thereby encouraging submissions of the highest quality. We strongly encourage recent Ph. D. graduates to submit their work to Econometrica. Our policy is to take into account the fact that recent graduates are less experienced in the process of writing and submitting papers.
期刊最新文献
Random Votes to Parties and Policies in Coalition Governments Can Deficits Finance Themselves? Frontmatter of Econometrica Vol. 92 Iss. 5 On the Structure of Informationally Robust Optimal Mechanisms Lifestyle Behaviors and Wealth-Health Gaps in Germany
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1