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Gangs, Labor Mobility, and Development 帮派、劳动力流动与发展
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA21305
Nikita Melnikov, Carlos Schmidt-Padilla, María Micaela Sviatschi

We study how criminal organizations affect economic development. We exploit a natural experiment in El Salvador, where these criminal organizations emerged due to an exogenous shift in American immigration policy that led to the deportation of gang leaders from the United States to El Salvador. Using a spatial regression discontinuity design that focuses on the gang-created system of borders, we find that individuals in gang-controlled neighborhoods have less material well-being, income, and education than individuals living only 50 meters away but outside of gang territory. None of these discontinuities existed before the arrival of the gangs. A key mechanism behind the results is that gangs restrict individuals' mobility, affecting their labor-market options by preventing them from commuting to other parts of the city. The results are not determined by high rates of selective migration, differential exposure to extortion and violence, or differences in public goods provision.

我们研究犯罪组织如何影响经济发展。我们利用了萨尔瓦多的一个自然实验,在那里,这些犯罪组织的出现是由于美国移民政策的外部转变,导致帮派头目从美国被驱逐到萨尔瓦多。我们使用空间回归不连续设计来关注帮派创造的边界系统,我们发现在帮派控制的社区中,个人的物质福利、收入和教育程度都低于居住在50米外但不在帮派范围内的个人。在帮派到来之前,这些不连续性都不存在。这一结果背后的一个关键机制是,帮派限制了个人的流动性,通过阻止他们往返于城市的其他地方,影响了他们在劳动力市场的选择。结果不是由高选择性移民率、不同程度的敲诈勒索和暴力,或公共产品供应的差异决定的。
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引用次数: 0
A Comment on: “Presidential Address: Identity Politics” by Nicola Gennaioli and Guido Tabellini 评尼古拉·根奈奥利和圭多·塔贝里尼的《总统演讲:身份政治
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA24429
Ernesto Dal Bó
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引用次数: 0
Adapting to Misspecification 适应错误规范
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA21991
Timothy B. Armstrong, Patrick Kline, Liyang Sun

Empirical research typically involves a robustness-efficiency tradeoff. A researcher seeking to estimate a scalar parameter can invoke strong assumptions to motivate a restricted estimator that is precise but may be heavily biased, or they can relax some of these assumptions to motivate a more robust, but variable, unrestricted estimator. When a bound on the bias of the restricted estimator is available, it is optimal to shrink the unrestricted estimator towards the restricted estimator. For settings where a bound on the bias of the restricted estimator is unknown, we propose adaptive estimators that minimize the percentage increase in worst-case risk relative to an oracle that knows the bound. We show that adaptive estimators solve a weighted convex minimax problem and provide lookup tables facilitating their rapid computation. Revisiting some well-known empirical studies where questions of model specification arise, we examine the advantages of adapting to—rather than testing for—misspecification.

实证研究通常涉及稳健性与效率之间的权衡。试图估计标量参数的研究人员可以调用强假设来激励一个精确但可能有严重偏差的受限估计器,或者他们可以放松一些假设来激励一个更稳健但可变的不受限制的估计器。当限制估计量的偏置有一个界时,将无限制估计量向限制估计量收缩是最优的。对于限制估计器的偏差边界未知的设置,我们提出了自适应估计器,它相对于知道边界的oracle最小化最坏情况风险的百分比增加。我们证明了自适应估计器解决了一个加权凸极小极大问题,并提供了便于快速计算的查找表。回顾一些著名的实证研究,其中出现了模型规范的问题,我们检查了适应而不是测试错误规范的优点。
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引用次数: 0
Presidential Address: Identity Politics 总统演讲:身份政治
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA22269
Nicola Gennaioli, Guido Tabellini

We offer a theory of changing dimensions of political polarization based on endogenous social identity. We formalize voter identity as in Bonomi, Gennaioli, and Tabellini (2021), but add parties that compete on policy and spread stereotypes to persuade voters. Parties are historically connected to different social groups, whose members are more receptive to the party messages. An endogenous switch from class to cultural identity accounts for three major changes: (i) growing cultural conflict between voters and parties; (ii) dampening of redistributive conflict, despite rising inequality; (iii) a realignment of lower class voters from the left to the right. The incentive of parties to spread stereotypes is a key driver of identity-based polarization. Using survey data and congressional speeches, we show that—consistent with our model—there is evidence of (i) and (ii) in the voting realignment induced by the “China Shock” (Autor, Dorn, Hanson, and Majlesi (2020)).

我们提出了一种基于内生社会认同的政治极化维度变化理论。我们将Bonomi, Gennaioli和Tabellini(2021)的选民身份正式化,但增加了在政策上竞争并传播刻板印象以说服选民的政党。政党历来与不同的社会群体有联系,这些群体的成员更容易接受政党的信息。从阶级认同到文化认同的内生转换说明了三个主要变化:(1)选民与政党之间日益加剧的文化冲突;(ii)抑制再分配冲突,尽管不平等加剧;(iii)下层选民从左派重新转向右派。各方传播刻板印象的动机是基于身份的两极分化的关键驱动因素。利用调查数据和国会演讲,我们表明——与我们的模型一致——在“中国冲击”引起的投票调整中存在(i)和(ii)的证据(Autor, Dorn, Hanson, and Majlesi(2020))。
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引用次数: 0
Integrated Monetary and Financial Policies for Small Open Economies 小型开放经济体的综合货币和金融政策
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA21802
Suman S. Basu, Emine Boz, Gita Gopinath, Francisco Roch, D. Filiz Unsal

We develop a tractable small-open-economy framework to characterize the constrained efficient use of the monetary policy rate, foreign exchange (FX) intervention, capital controls, and domestic macroprudential measures. The model features dominant currency pricing, positive premia on local currency debt arising from financiers' portfolio constraints, and occasionally-binding external and domestic borrowing constraints. We characterize the conditions under which the traditional prescription—relying solely on the policy rate and exchange rate flexibility—remains sufficient, even in the presence of externalities. By contrast, to manage noise trader flows into and out of the local currency debt market, FX intervention and in some cases capital inflow taxes should be used instead of the traditional prescription. Moreover, if a country faces a mix of local currency premia and external borrowing constraints, we establish that certain regulations to limit FX mismatch may alleviate the external borrowing constraint but exacerbate the local currency premia. Finally, we show that capital controls may dominate domestic macroprudential measures in cases when external shocks trigger stress in domestic housing markets.

我们开发了一个易于处理的小型开放经济框架,以表征货币政策利率、外汇(FX)干预、资本管制和国内宏观审慎措施的有限有效使用。该模型的特点是占主导地位的货币定价,由金融家的投资组合约束产生的本币债务的正溢价,以及偶尔具有约束力的外部和国内借款约束。我们描述了即使在存在外部性的情况下,传统的处方——仅仅依赖于政策利率和汇率灵活性——仍然足够的条件。相比之下,为了管理嘈杂的交易员流入和流出本币债务市场,应该使用外汇干预,在某些情况下还应该使用资本流入税,而不是传统的处方。此外,如果一个国家面临本币溢价和外部借款约束的混合,我们确定限制外汇错配的某些法规可能会缓解外部借款约束,但会加剧本币溢价。最后,我们表明,在外部冲击引发国内房地产市场压力的情况下,资本管制可能主导国内宏观审慎措施。
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引用次数: 0
Reply to: Comments on “Presidential Address: Identity Politics” 回复:关于“总统演讲:身份政治”的评论
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA24596
Nicola Gennaioli, Guido Tabellini
<p><span>We thank</span> Ernesto dal Bó and Francesco Trebbi for their thoughtful comments, which allow us to clarify some important aspects of our work.</p><p>Trebbi points out that several recent contributions have studied the role of changing salience weights in multidimensional voting models, “without the need of forgoing voter rationality.” We agree that the questions of how politicians manipulate voters' attention on alternative issues, and with what consequences, are of primary importance, and those papers are important contributions. But we view our departure from the assumption of voter rationality as a step forward, not as a drawback.</p><p>Political scientists have long argued that the assumption of rational voters is unrealistic, and economists are also coming around to this view. A large body of work shows that voters have significant misperceptions of reality, strongly correlated with their political and social affiliations (<span>Flynn, Nyhan, and Reifler</span> (<span>2017</span>), <span>Alesina, Miano, and Stantcheva</span> (<span>2020</span>)). The question is not how to reconcile this with voters' rationality, but what is the best account for observed voters' beliefs.</p><p>The standard approach to voters' misperceptions emphasizes information acquisition (<span>Levy and Razin</span> (<span>2019</span>)). On the one hand, voters with different partisan affiliations select exposure to different news sources. On the other hand, their processing of new information is distorted by cognitive biases, such as correlation neglect, selection bias, confirmation bias, or motivated cognition. Yet, political beliefs seldom react to informational treatments (<span>Flynn, Nyhan, and Reifler</span> (<span>2017</span>)), and more knowledgeable individuals sometimes have more distorted beliefs over controversial political issues than less knowledgeable ones (<span>Kahan</span> (<span>2015</span>)).</p><p>Our approach points to the importance of social context, rather than new information, in the formation of political beliefs. A salient social conflict can <i>itself</i> cause voters to view society as “us versus them,” prompting voters to identify with the groups they belong to. When this happens, voters slant their beliefs toward their ingroup stereotype. But, as shown by <span>Bordalo, Coffman, Gennaioli, and Shleifer</span> (<span>2016</span>), stereotypes exaggerate group differences. As a result, increasing the salience of a social conflict raises polarization, even without providing any new information.</p><p>Trebbi asks who leads polarization: voters or parties? We don't think that polarization only originates in the electorate. Rather, we think that it reflects the interaction between voters and parties. This interaction also plays out in the amplification of shocks like international trade and immigration, which in our paper drive a shift of polarization from economic to cultural issues and the associated party realignment. In our model
我们感谢埃内斯托·达尔Bó和弗朗西斯科·特雷比的周到评论,这些评论使我们能够澄清我们工作的一些重要方面。Trebbi指出,最近有几篇文章研究了多维投票模型中显著性权重变化的作用,“而不需要放弃选民的理性”。我们同意,政治家如何操纵选民对其他问题的注意力,以及会产生什么后果,这些问题至关重要,这些论文是重要的贡献。但我们认为,脱离选民理性假设是一种进步,而不是一种缺点。长期以来,政治学家一直认为,理性选民的假设是不现实的,经济学家也逐渐接受了这一观点。大量研究表明,选民对现实存在严重的误解,这与他们的政治和社会关系密切相关(Flynn, Nyhan, and Reifler (2017), Alesina, Miano, and Stantcheva(2020))。问题不在于如何使这与选民的理性相协调,而在于如何最好地解释观察到的选民的信念。选民误解的标准方法强调信息获取(Levy和Razin(2019))。一方面,不同党派的选民选择接触不同的新闻来源。另一方面,他们对新信息的处理受到认知偏差的扭曲,如相关性忽视、选择偏差、确认偏差或动机认知。然而,政治信仰很少对信息治疗做出反应(Flynn, Nyhan, and Reifler(2017)),知识渊博的人有时比知识渊博的人对有争议的政治问题有更多的扭曲信仰(Kahan(2015))。我们的方法指出,在政治信念形成过程中,社会背景的重要性,而不是新信息的重要性。一个突出的社会冲突本身会导致选民将社会视为“我们对他们”,促使选民认同他们所属的群体。当这种情况发生时,选民会将他们的信念倾向于他们的内部群体刻板印象。但是,正如Bordalo, Coffman, Gennaioli和Shleifer(2016)所表明的那样,刻板印象夸大了群体差异。因此,即使没有提供任何新的信息,增加社会冲突的显著性也会加剧两极分化。特雷比问道,是谁导致了两极分化:选民还是政党?我们不认为两极分化只源于选民。相反,我们认为这反映了选民和政党之间的相互作用。这种相互作用也在国际贸易和移民等冲击的放大中发挥作用,在我们的论文中,这些冲击推动了从经济问题到文化问题的两极分化以及相关的政党重组。在我们的模型中,政治宣传可以完全负责选民的刻板印象,从而扭曲选民的信念。我们将在4.4节讨论这一点。如果选民更关注来自他们传统上喜欢的政党的信息,而不是来自对手的信息,那么两党都认为加强群体刻板印象和扭曲选民的信念是最理想的。在形式上,他们从基线提出参数包括,在这种情况下,信念将不受宣传的扭曲。此外,选民越是两极分化,政党推动选民极端主义的动机就越强。因此,选民和政党的两极分化具有重要的互补性。选民的两极分化使得政党在政策选择上更加分歧。但分歧越大的政党就有更强的动机分化选民。一个重要的问题是为什么政党会两极分化。大多数关于供给驱动的两极分化的文献都将其归因于政治人士的内在动机(他们的意识形态)。因此,最近政党两极分化的加剧可以用更具意识形态的政治领导层来解释。相反,我们假设一些社会群体更多地关注传统上代表他们的政党。因此,不同的政党并不寻求吸引相同的摇摆选民,而是针对不同的选区。这就是为什么他们的选票最大化策略是分化,而不是趋同,并使选民两极分化。两极分化的宣传使内部选民更加忠诚,尽管它可能使一些选民疏远对手。从这个角度来看,政党极端主义的增加也可能是由于社交媒体的扩散,这使得政治家能够更准确地瞄准他们的选区。Trebbi提到的关于“供给驱动”极化的有趣实证论文在这个问题上是沉默的。他们发现,在立法机构投票和候选人的政策定位中,党派控制是造成两极分化的主要原因,而且这种两极分化的比例越来越大。但是政党领导人的动机是什么呢?它们可能纯粹是意识形态的,也可能完全是机会主义的,就像我们的做法一样。 几篇实证论文通过评估向中间靠拢以吸引摇摆选民与动员极端选民之间选票份额的权衡,探讨了推动政党两极分化的原因,无论是意识形态上的障碍还是选民的分裂。结果喜忧参半。一些论文发现,分歧受到选民的惩罚(如Hall (2015));另一些人则发现,动员核心选民可以获得更大的选举收益(Bonica, Rhee, and Studen(2025))。其他人则研究了选举前政治沟通是否会变得或多或少两极化,结果也是双向的。因此,我们同意Trebbi的观点,即推动最近政治两极分化激增的机制仍然没有定论。但供给驱动的两极分化可能有很多原因,不应自动归咎于更多意识形态上的政治障碍。Dal Bó提出了一些关于政治宣传效果的有趣问题。我们的广泛观点是,宣传通过增强社会冲突的突出性来改变信念,加剧两极分化,而不一定向选民提供新的信息。在本文中,我们研究了一种特定的机制:在给定的“身份制度”中,强调在特定问题上的外群体与内群体分歧的宣传强化了区分对立社会群体的刻板印象,使信仰更加极端。例如,在一场以移民为重点的竞选活动中,将移民描绘成罪犯而不是难民会强化右翼的刻板印象,从而强化保守派选民对移民的反对。但其他机制也是可能的。宣传还可以增加政治的一个特定维度的相对突出性,引发对一方或另一方有利的身份转变。例如,提高堕胎的重要性可能会导致许多选民认同他们的宗教价值观并使其两极分化。随之而来的再分配冲突减少,有利于迎合少数富人的右翼政党。关键的力量是,在这两个例子中,宣传通过增加冲突的突出性来发挥作用,在“身份制度”内部或之间。除了宣传之外,选民的身份认同也可以通过政府的政策行动来操纵。Dal Bó提供了一些与Trebbi提出的观点有关的例子,即身份与文化之间的类比。文化和经济学研究强调,文化特征以及选民的偏好是内生的,可以由政策和制度塑造。例如,降低绿色能源的相对成本也会改变口味,使选民和消费者更加环保,从而促进绿色转型(Besley和Persson(2023))。同样,取消对行政部门的制衡削弱了公民资本,使选民更能容忍腐败或更不愿意为民主而战(Persson和Tabellini(2021))。文化,就像身份一样,是一个国家变量,可以被现任者策略性地操纵。然而,文化进化和内生社会认同之间存在着一些重要的差异。首先,文化朝着与更高福利相关的特征发展。由于每个人的相对适合度一般都是一样的,文化进化是一种趋向统一的力量。相比之下,在我们的方法中,身份反映了冲突的突出性,而不是相对适应性,它加剧了两极分化,而不是趋同。刻板印象会把对立的群体推向不可调和的模式。如果气候变化的日益突出本身使一些群体低估了人为因素,而另一些群体高估了绿色政策的好处,那么分歧就会不断升级,从而阻碍政策妥协。第二,社会心理学的实验证据表明,身份的转变可以迅速发生,而文化特征通常是缓慢的。社会身份具有更大的可塑性,这意味着操纵它的政治动机要比操纵文化的动机强得多。第三,身份认同会受到政治宣传的影响。相反,相对适应度是通过改变经济或社会环境的政策行动来改变的。这种区别也很重要,因为政府和反对派都可以利用宣传手段,而政策和制度只能由当政者来改变。社会认同理论为思考政治信仰的原因和后果以及政治行为者如何塑造政治信仰提供了一个新的框架。有许多悬而未决的问题值得进一步调查。我们希望我们的论文能够提高他们的知名度,吸引人们对这一有前途的研究方向的关注。
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引用次数: 0
The Social Tax: Redistributive Pressure and Labor Supply 社会税:再分配压力与劳动力供给
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA21078
Eliana Carranza, Aletheia Donald, Florian Grosset-Touba, Supreet Kaur

In low-income communities in both rich and poor countries, redistributive transfers within kin and social networks are frequent. Such arrangements may distort labor supply—acting as a “social tax” that dampens the incentive to work. We document that across countries, from the United States to Côte d'Ivoire, low-income groups report strong pressure to share earned income with others; in addition, social groups that undertake more interpersonal transfers work fewer hours. Using a field experiment, we enable piece-rate factory workers in Côte d'Ivoire to shield income using blocked savings accounts over 9 months. Workers may only deposit earnings increases, relative to baseline, mitigating income effects on labor supply. Offering Private accounts raises work attendance by 6.5% and earnings by 9.4%. These treatment effects are concentrated among workers who report higher redistributive pressure at baseline. To obtain further suggestive evidence on mechanisms, in a supplementary experiment, we vary whether blocked accounts are private or known to the worker's network. When accounts are private, take-up is substantively higher (60% vs. 14%), with a resultant 8.8% higher earnings. Outgoing transfers do not decline, indicating no loss in redistribution. The welfare benefits of informal redistribution may come at a cost, depressing labor supply and productivity.

在富国和穷国的低收入社区,亲属和社会网络内部的再分配转移经常发生。这样的安排可能会扭曲劳动力供给——就像一种“社会税”,抑制了工作的动力。我们发现,从美国到Côte科特迪瓦,各国低收入群体都面临着与他人分享收入的巨大压力;此外,承担更多人际转移的社会群体工作时间更短。通过实地试验,我们使Côte科特迪瓦计件工厂工人能够使用冻结储蓄账户保护9个月以上的收入。相对于基线,工人可能只会增加存款收入,从而减轻收入对劳动力供给的影响。提供私人账户可以提高6.5%的出勤率和9.4%的收入。这些治疗效果集中在报告基线时再分配压力较高的工人身上。为了获得关于机制的进一步暗示性证据,在补充实验中,我们改变了被封锁的账户是私人的还是为员工网络所知的。当账户是私人账户时,使用率要高得多(60% vs. 14%),因此收益要高出8.8%。向外转移没有减少,表明再分配没有损失。非正式再分配带来的福利可能是有代价的,它会抑制劳动力供给和生产率。
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter of Econometrica Vol. 93 Iss. 6 《计量经济学》第93卷第6期
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA936FM
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引用次数: 0
A Comment on: “Presidential Address: Identity Politics” by Nicola Gennaioli and Guido Tabellini 评尼古拉·根奈奥利和圭多·塔贝里尼的《总统演讲:身份政治
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA24038
Francesco Trebbi
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引用次数: 0
Consumer Surplus From Suppliers: How Big Is It and Does It Matter for Growth? 来自供应商的消费者剩余:有多大?它对增长有影响吗?
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA22672
David Baqaee, Ariel Burstein, Cédric Duprez, Emmanuel Farhi

Consumer surplus, the area between the demand curve and the price, plays a key role in many models of trade and growth. Quantifying it typically requires estimating and extrapolating demand curves. This paper provides an alternative approach to measuring consumer surplus by focusing on firms as consumers of inputs. We show that the elasticity of a downstream firm's marginal cost to supplier additions and separations measures the downstream firm's consumer surplus relative to its input costs. Using Belgian data and instrumenting for changes in supplier access, we find that for every 1% of suppliers gained or lost, the marginal cost of downstream firms falls or rises by roughly 0.3%. Our estimates are directly informative about the strength of love-of-variety effects and the gains from movements along quality ladders. We use our microeconomic estimates of consumer surplus to assess the macroeconomic importance of supplier additions and separations in a growth accounting framework. We find that supplier churn plausibly accounts for about half of aggregate productivity growth.

消费者剩余,即需求曲线和价格之间的面积,在许多贸易和增长模型中起着关键作用。量化它通常需要估计和推断需求曲线。本文通过关注企业作为投入的消费者,提供了一种衡量消费者剩余的替代方法。我们证明了下游企业边际成本对供应商增加和分离的弹性衡量了下游企业相对于其投入成本的消费者剩余。利用比利时的数据和供应商准入变化的工具,我们发现,每增加或减少1%的供应商,下游公司的边际成本就会下降或上升大约0.3%。我们的估计直接提供了关于多样性之爱效应的强度和沿着质量阶梯运动的收益的信息。我们使用消费者剩余的微观经济估计来评估增长会计框架中供应商增加和分离的宏观经济重要性。我们发现,供应商流失似乎占总生产率增长的一半左右。
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Econometrica
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