过度自信的新古典现实主义模式与 1941 年日苏中立条约

IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS International Relations Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI:10.1177/00471178231218567
Ryuta Ito
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引用次数: 0

摘要

为什么日本明知德苏关系正在恶化并走向灾难性的战争,仍然在1941年缔结日苏中立条约?根据《三国条约》,日本接近德国已决定入侵的苏联是不理智的。本文以科学现实主义为元理论基础,以进化心理学中的自我欺骗为基础,发展了一种新的新古典现实主义模型,称为“过度自信的新古典现实主义模型”,研究了日本外交史上这个长期存在的难题(也是新现实主义的一个反常现象)。在新古典现实主义的基础上,笔者认为日本在1940 - 1941年间的平衡战略最初反映了国际体系的三极结构(自变量),但由于松冈洋介(日本外相)的自我欺骗,包括积极幻觉和认知失调效应(干预变量),最终导致了日苏中立条约的次优平衡(因变量)。
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A neoclassical realist model of overconfidence and the Japan–Soviet Neutrality Pact in 1941
Why did Japan conclude the Japan–Soviet Neutrality Pact in 1941, even though it knew the German-Soviet relations were deteriorating and heading towards a disastrous war? Under the Tripartite Pact, it would be irrational for Japan to approach the USSR, which Germany had decided to invade. This article examines this long-standing puzzle in Japanese diplomatic history (also an anomaly of neorealism) by developing a new neoclassical realist model termed ‘neoclassical realist model of overconfidence’ based on self-deception in evolutionary psychology using scientific realism in the philosophy of science as a metatheoretical foundation. Drawing on neoclassical realism, I argue that Japan’s balancing strategy during 1940–41, which initially reflected the tripolar structure of the international system (independent variable), ultimately resulted in the suboptimal balancing of the Japan–Soviet Neutrality Pact (dependent variable) due to Yosuke Matsuoka’s (Japanese foreign minister) self-deception, including the positive illusion and cognitive dissonance effect (intervening variable).
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来源期刊
International Relations
International Relations INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS-
CiteScore
3.20
自引率
6.20%
发文量
35
期刊介绍: International Relations is explicitly pluralist in outlook. Editorial policy favours variety in both subject-matter and method, at a time when so many academic journals are increasingly specialised in scope, and sectarian in approach. We welcome articles or proposals from all perspectives and on all subjects pertaining to international relations: law, economics, ethics, strategy, philosophy, culture, environment, and so on, in addition to more mainstream conceptual work and policy analysis. We believe that such pluralism is in great demand by the academic and policy communities and the interested public.
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