德克萨斯心脏之战:马克-欧文斯、肯-温克和小肯尼思-布莱恩特所著的《选民中的政治变革》(评论)

IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI:10.1353/swh.2024.a918129
Joel Webster
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引用次数: 0

摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 德克萨斯心脏之战:Mark Owens、Ken Wink 和 Kenneth Bryant Jr. Joel Webster 合著的《德克萨斯心脏之战:选民中的政治变革》:选民中的政治变革》。作者:马克-欧文斯、肯-温克及小肯尼思-布莱恩特(诺曼:俄克拉荷马大学出版社,2022 年。第 210 页。插图、表格、注释、索引)。通常情况下,很难一周不看到一篇文章或一位学者对得克萨斯州潜在的政治变革做出过度反应。这就是 [尾页 369]三位来自德克萨斯大学泰勒分校的学者--马克-欧文斯(Mark Owens)、肯-温克(Ken Wink)和小肯尼斯-布莱恩特(Kenneth Bryant Jr.除了县和州一级的投票数据外,他们的讨论还集中在 2018 年至 2020 年期间的 23750 份访谈回复上。通过这些数据,他们可以追踪选民在广泛政治问题上的心态变化,如移民、枪支法或共和党人对 Covid-19 大流行病的反应等。不过,他们最出色的作品是研究了广袤而多元的德克萨斯州的复杂性如何影响选民的心态。他们展示了种族/民族、城市与农村以及地理差异的影响,所有这些都使得得克萨斯州未来的政治成为一场复杂的游戏,需要驾驭这些不同的、相互竞争的选民群体,他们都拥有各自不同的需求、问题和期望。不过,书中也出现了一些令人担忧的现象。开篇仅五页,读者就面对了围绕 "德克萨斯州从南方分裂 "的 "三次关键选举 "的历史问题和错误事实。在 1872 年的选举中,他们过分简化了得克萨斯州的选票目标--霍勒斯-格里利(Horace Greeley)--他并不像他们所说的那样只作为自由共和党人参选,而是也作为民主党候选人参选。更麻烦的是,他们说 "1928 年,得克萨斯州是南方唯一一个将选票投给赫伯特-胡佛(共和党)而不是艾尔-史密斯(民主党-纽约州)的州"。在南方各州中,得克萨斯州远非唯一;佛罗里达州、北卡罗来纳州、田纳西州和弗吉尼亚州也投票支持胡佛。最后,1948 年,得克萨斯州并没有与 "稳固南方 "决裂(至少在通常情况下是这样),而是与该地区的大多数州站在一起,支持民主党提名人哈里-杜鲁门,而不是支持迪克西克拉特。作为一本以德克萨斯州政治和政治变革为中心的书,这样的开头令人担忧。这种对过去的错误处理可能源于他们对其他有关得克萨斯州政治的学术著作的有限参与。本书的重点主要集中在德克萨斯州只是一个南方州的概念上,而没有更多地论述塑造德克萨斯州成为美国西部和阳光地带一部分的各种力量的独特性。最后,至少有一个重大的疏忽之处。在第 126-128 页中,有许多直接引文和对 "门德尔伯格理论 "的引用--大概是塔利-门德尔伯格关于政客在选举中多次使用种族的研究成果--都缺乏适当的引证。这些错误可能会削弱对德克萨斯州政治的现状和未来进行的非常有用的研究。[第 370 页末] 乔尔-韦伯斯特 德州科技大学版权所有 © 2022 年德克萨斯州历史协会 ...
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Battle for the Heart of Texas: Political Change in the Electorate by Mark Owens, Ken Wink, and Kenneth Bryant Jr. (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Battle for the Heart of Texas: Political Change in the Electorate by Mark Owens, Ken Wink, and Kenneth Bryant Jr.
  • Joel Webster
Battle for the Heart of Texas: Political Change in the Electorate. By Mark Owens, Ken Wink, & Kenneth Bryant Jr. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2022. Pp. 210. Illustrations, tables, notes, index.)

It is often hard to go a week without seeing an article or a pundit offering an overreaction to potential political changes in Texas. This is [End Page 369] why three scholars from the University of Texas at Tyler—Mark Owens, Ken Wink, and Kenneth Bryant Jr.—collaborated with the Dallas Morning News to assess the many political implications of changes in the Texas electorate in recent years. In addition to county- and state-level voting data, their discussions focus on 23,750 interview responses taken between 2018 and 2020.

This data allows them to track any changes in voter's mindset across broad political issues that one would expect, like immigration, gun laws, or responses by Republicans to the Covid-19 pandemic. However, their examination of how the complexities of a vast and diverse Texas affect the mindsets of voters is their best work. They show the impact of race/ethnicity, urban vs. rural, and geographical differences that all make the future of Texas politics a complex game of navigating these various and competing voter groups that all possess their distinct needs, problems, and expectations.

There are, however, some concerning occurrences throughout the book. Only five pages in, readers are confronted with historically questionable and incorrect facts surrounding "three key elections" where "Texas split from the Solid South." For the 1872 election they oversimplify the target of Texas's votes—Horace Greeley—who did not run only as a Liberal Republican, as they assert, but also ran as the Democratic candidate. More troublesome is the statement that "in 1928, Texas was the only Southern state to vote for Herbert Hoover (R) over Al Smith (D-NY)." Texas was far from alone among Southern states; Florida, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia also voted for Hoover. Finally, in 1948 Texas did not break with the Solid South (at least in its usual application) and sided with most of the region to support the Democratic nominee, Harry S. Truman, instead of supporting the Dixiecrats.

This is a worrisome way to start a book that centers on Texas politics and political change. Such mishandling of the past might stem from their limited engagement with other scholarly works about Texas politics. The focus is largely on the notion of Texas being only a Southern state without speaking more to the uniqueness of the forces that have shaped it as part of the American West and the Sunbelt.

Finally, there is at least one major instance of neglecting citations. On pages 126-128 there are numerous direct quotes and a reference to a "Mendelberg's theory"—presumably the work of Tali Mendelberg on the many uses of race by politicians during elections—that lack proper citation. Such a combination of errors potentially diminish a very useful study of the present and future of Texas politics. [End Page 370]

Joel Webster Texas Tech University Copyright © 2022 The Texas State Historical Association ...

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来源期刊
CiteScore
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0.00%
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106
期刊介绍: The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, continuously published since 1897, is the premier source of scholarly information about the history of Texas and the Southwest. The first 100 volumes of the Quarterly, more than 57,000 pages, are now available Online with searchable Tables of Contents.
期刊最新文献
Emancipation Day to Juneteenth: The Origins of a Texas Celebration Building Houston's Petroleum Expertise: Humble Oil, Environmental Knowledge, and the Architecture of Industrial Research A Minority View: Reynell Parkins and Creative Tension in the Civil Rights Movement of Texas, 1965–1975 Southwestern Collection Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios: Traders, Allies, and Migrants on New Spain's Northern Frontier by Robert Wright (review)
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