Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936685
James Bernsen
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The German Texas Frontier in 1853: Ferdinand Lindheimer's Newspaper Accounts of the Environment, Gold, and Indians</em> by Daniel J. Gelo and Christopher J. Wickham <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> James Bernsen </li> </ul> <em>The German Texas Frontier in 1853: Ferdinand Lindheimer's Newspaper Accounts of the Environment, Gold, and Indians</em>. By Daniel J. Gelo and Christopher J. Wickham. ( Denton: University of North Texas, 2024. Pp. 256. Illustrations, maps, notes bibliography, index.) <p>The Germans who settled in the Texas Hill Country in the mid-1800s lived <strong>[End Page 104]</strong> mostly apart and independent of Anglo Texans, forging their own settlements on the frontier, with their own language, customs, and unique perspectives, all of which informed their relations, particularly those with Native Americans. Daniel J. Gelo and Christopher J. Wickham bring into focus this unique intersection of Texan, native, and European cultures through the lens of a keen observer, a newspaper editor who chronicled the struggles, fears and hopes of German settlers as they sought to build a new life on the Texas frontier.</p> <p>Ferdinand Lindheimer was a German botanist of some repute who had already traveled extensively on the frontier when he settled down to take up the editorship of the New Braunfelser Zeitung (NBZ), the chief newspaper of the German colonists in Texas. In doing so, he became, in the assessment of one historian, the "political barometer of the Germans in Texas." In their work, Gelo and Wickham focus on the crucial first year of Lindheimer's newspaper, and what it says about the atmosphere of the German frontier.</p> <p>The topics addressed in the newspaper demonstrate how different the Germans truly were from Anglo settlers. When, for instance, rumors of gold and silver deposits in the Hill Country of Texas began to spread in 1853, the German population—as reflected through Lindheimer—was not, or pretended not to be, seduced by the lure of easy riches. Instead, they took pride in a sober, disciplined work ethic. "I'd prefer it if they found a lot of good iron," Lindheimer writes, "[then] there would be mines and factories with a hard-working and honest class of people," rather than rough prospectors.</p> <p>Environmental factors and their effects on populations—settler and Indian—are recurring themes in Lindheimer's newspaper, providing a scientific glimpse into frontier life that is often lacking in Anglo accounts. Similarly, cultural factors and anthropology are topics that appear far more readily in the NBZ than in Anglo newspapers.</p> <p>By far, the most important topic is Indian relations. While the NBZ presents stories of atrocities, Lindheimer's newspaper is far more understanding of the Indian need for trade and the impact of white encroachment on their lands. The auth
{"title":"The German Texas Frontier in 1853: Ferdinand Lindheimer's Newspaper Accounts of the Environment, Gold, and Indians by Daniel J. Gelo and Christopher J. Wickham (review)","authors":"James Bernsen","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936685","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The German Texas Frontier in 1853: Ferdinand Lindheimer's Newspaper Accounts of the Environment, Gold, and Indians</em> by Daniel J. Gelo and Christopher J. Wickham <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> James Bernsen </li> </ul> <em>The German Texas Frontier in 1853: Ferdinand Lindheimer's Newspaper Accounts of the Environment, Gold, and Indians</em>. By Daniel J. Gelo and Christopher J. Wickham. ( Denton: University of North Texas, 2024. Pp. 256. Illustrations, maps, notes bibliography, index.) <p>The Germans who settled in the Texas Hill Country in the mid-1800s lived <strong>[End Page 104]</strong> mostly apart and independent of Anglo Texans, forging their own settlements on the frontier, with their own language, customs, and unique perspectives, all of which informed their relations, particularly those with Native Americans. Daniel J. Gelo and Christopher J. Wickham bring into focus this unique intersection of Texan, native, and European cultures through the lens of a keen observer, a newspaper editor who chronicled the struggles, fears and hopes of German settlers as they sought to build a new life on the Texas frontier.</p> <p>Ferdinand Lindheimer was a German botanist of some repute who had already traveled extensively on the frontier when he settled down to take up the editorship of the New Braunfelser Zeitung (NBZ), the chief newspaper of the German colonists in Texas. In doing so, he became, in the assessment of one historian, the \"political barometer of the Germans in Texas.\" In their work, Gelo and Wickham focus on the crucial first year of Lindheimer's newspaper, and what it says about the atmosphere of the German frontier.</p> <p>The topics addressed in the newspaper demonstrate how different the Germans truly were from Anglo settlers. When, for instance, rumors of gold and silver deposits in the Hill Country of Texas began to spread in 1853, the German population—as reflected through Lindheimer—was not, or pretended not to be, seduced by the lure of easy riches. Instead, they took pride in a sober, disciplined work ethic. \"I'd prefer it if they found a lot of good iron,\" Lindheimer writes, \"[then] there would be mines and factories with a hard-working and honest class of people,\" rather than rough prospectors.</p> <p>Environmental factors and their effects on populations—settler and Indian—are recurring themes in Lindheimer's newspaper, providing a scientific glimpse into frontier life that is often lacking in Anglo accounts. Similarly, cultural factors and anthropology are topics that appear far more readily in the NBZ than in Anglo newspapers.</p> <p>By far, the most important topic is Indian relations. While the NBZ presents stories of atrocities, Lindheimer's newspaper is far more understanding of the Indian need for trade and the impact of white encroachment on their lands. The auth","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936681
Matthew S. Taylor
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios: Traders, Allies, and Migrants on New Spain's Northern Frontier</em> by Robert Wright <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Matthew S. Taylor </li> </ul> <em>Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios: Traders, Allies, and Migrants on New Spain's Northern Frontier</em>. By Robert Wright. ( Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2023. Pp. 334. Illustrations, appendix, notes, bibliography, index.) <p><em>Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios</em> is a history of Native American and Spanish colonial relationships in an understudied area of the Spanish Borderlands. The geographic area of study is the area around the confluence of the Rio Grande with the Rio Conchos (today occupied by the cities of Presidio, Texas, and Ojinaga, Chihuahua). The book's eleven chapters trace the events between initial Spanish contact to dissolution and abandonment of the region by Native American groups in the latter half of the eighteenth century.</p> <p>Prehistorically, the La Junta area was home to desert farmers and hunters, who occupied a cultural crossroads between the Rio Conchos Valley, the Rio Grande, and the arid interior to the northeast. It is likely that Cabeza de Vaca visited La Junta in 1535, but only a few entradas came before the establishment of missions in the 1680s. Local revolts led to temporary abandonment of the missions in 1689 and 1716, but Spanish authority successfully returned. A common theme of the book is the relative isolation of the La Junta area. Even with the establishment of missions, local peoples continued their religious and civil traditions. The Juntans had a degree of autonomy that was lacking in other portions of the Spanish Borderlands.</p> <p>Of particular interest were the long-running attempts by Spanish officials, both secular and Catholic, to establish a presidio at La Junta. Franciscan missionaries requested a military presence as early as 1715, and government officials were cognizant of the strategic position of the Rio Conchos valley and Rio Grande. In the early eighteenth century. there were no Spanish military outposts along the Rio Grande between El Paso and San Juan de Batista de Rio Grande (near modern day Guerrero, Coahuila). Concern for the security of La Junta developed from two points: possible French intrusion and the appearance of hostile Native American groups like the Apache. The author details the political intrigues that surrounded the establishment of a presidio, including strong opposition by native Juntans and some local priests.</p> <p>The best aspect of the book is its thorough descriptions of what happened, to whom, and what changes it caused. The work tries to focus upon the facts <strong>[End Page 100]</strong> and is remarkably free of personal commentary or attempts to fit the data into a theoretical mode
{"title":"Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios: Traders, Allies, and Migrants on New Spain's Northern Frontier by Robert Wright (review)","authors":"Matthew S. Taylor","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936681","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios: Traders, Allies, and Migrants on New Spain's Northern Frontier</em> by Robert Wright <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Matthew S. Taylor </li> </ul> <em>Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios: Traders, Allies, and Migrants on New Spain's Northern Frontier</em>. By Robert Wright. ( Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2023. Pp. 334. Illustrations, appendix, notes, bibliography, index.) <p><em>Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios</em> is a history of Native American and Spanish colonial relationships in an understudied area of the Spanish Borderlands. The geographic area of study is the area around the confluence of the Rio Grande with the Rio Conchos (today occupied by the cities of Presidio, Texas, and Ojinaga, Chihuahua). The book's eleven chapters trace the events between initial Spanish contact to dissolution and abandonment of the region by Native American groups in the latter half of the eighteenth century.</p> <p>Prehistorically, the La Junta area was home to desert farmers and hunters, who occupied a cultural crossroads between the Rio Conchos Valley, the Rio Grande, and the arid interior to the northeast. It is likely that Cabeza de Vaca visited La Junta in 1535, but only a few entradas came before the establishment of missions in the 1680s. Local revolts led to temporary abandonment of the missions in 1689 and 1716, but Spanish authority successfully returned. A common theme of the book is the relative isolation of the La Junta area. Even with the establishment of missions, local peoples continued their religious and civil traditions. The Juntans had a degree of autonomy that was lacking in other portions of the Spanish Borderlands.</p> <p>Of particular interest were the long-running attempts by Spanish officials, both secular and Catholic, to establish a presidio at La Junta. Franciscan missionaries requested a military presence as early as 1715, and government officials were cognizant of the strategic position of the Rio Conchos valley and Rio Grande. In the early eighteenth century. there were no Spanish military outposts along the Rio Grande between El Paso and San Juan de Batista de Rio Grande (near modern day Guerrero, Coahuila). Concern for the security of La Junta developed from two points: possible French intrusion and the appearance of hostile Native American groups like the Apache. The author details the political intrigues that surrounded the establishment of a presidio, including strong opposition by native Juntans and some local priests.</p> <p>The best aspect of the book is its thorough descriptions of what happened, to whom, and what changes it caused. The work tries to focus upon the facts <strong>[End Page 100]</strong> and is remarkably free of personal commentary or attempts to fit the data into a theoretical mode","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936686
Kenneth W. Howell
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Two Counties in Crisis: Measuring Political Change in Reconstruction Texas</em> by Robert J. Dillard <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kenneth W. Howell </li> </ul> <em>Two Counties in Crisis: Measuring Political Change in Reconstruction Texas</em>. By Robert J. Dillard. ( Denton: University of North Texas, 2023. Pp. 241. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, index). <p><em>Two Counties in Crisis</em> provides new insights on the political history of Texas during the Civil War and Reconstruction eras by utilizing "an interdisciplinary approach that blends political science theory and the traditional primary-source evidence" to offer a "broader perspective on the persistent questions of Reconstruction's failure" in the Lone Star State (p. xii). In a concise examination of local politics, Robert Dillard convincingly argues that the political culture of Collin and Harrison counties went through major changes between 1861 and 1876. According to the author, these transformations resulted from reactionary politics triggered by statewide events, including the Secession crisis in 1861, support for the Confederacy between 1861–1865, and the adoption of the 1876 Texas Constitution.</p> <p>Dillard explains that political culture was initially forged by geographical locations and migration patterns. For example, the citizens of Collin County lived on the frontier and had migrated from the Upper South, circumstances that led them to place more faith in rugged individualism than in "southern concepts of elitism" commonly associated with traditional southern plantation societies of the Lower South (p. 32). Conversely, Harrison County, situated in East Texas, was heavily populated with Lower South migrants, who were more economically dependent on the use of slave labor and embraced the cultural values of the Old South. These cultural differences led the voters of Collin County to vehemently oppose secession in 1861, while their eastern counterparts strongly favored disunion.</p> <p>Once the Civil War erupted, however, Collin and Harrison counties accepted the fact that they faced a common enemy, prompting them to support the Confederacy. Furthermore, after the war ended, the counties embraced the concept of a new threat—the Republican Party. For the citizens of Collin and Harrison counties, Texas Republicans, especially prominent party leaders such as Gov. Edmund J. Davis, became the new symbols of federal tyranny. In response, these counties became politically aligned against Republican policies, including legislation related to the militia bill, the state police, railroad development, and a state school system. These positions were consistent with the majority of voters in Texas and eventually led to Democratic victories in the elections of 1872 and the complete dismantling of Governor Davis's policies.</p> <
{"title":"Two Counties in Crisis: Measuring Political Change in Reconstruction Texas by Robert J. Dillard (review)","authors":"Kenneth W. Howell","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936686","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Two Counties in Crisis: Measuring Political Change in Reconstruction Texas</em> by Robert J. Dillard <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kenneth W. Howell </li> </ul> <em>Two Counties in Crisis: Measuring Political Change in Reconstruction Texas</em>. By Robert J. Dillard. ( Denton: University of North Texas, 2023. Pp. 241. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, index). <p><em>Two Counties in Crisis</em> provides new insights on the political history of Texas during the Civil War and Reconstruction eras by utilizing \"an interdisciplinary approach that blends political science theory and the traditional primary-source evidence\" to offer a \"broader perspective on the persistent questions of Reconstruction's failure\" in the Lone Star State (p. xii). In a concise examination of local politics, Robert Dillard convincingly argues that the political culture of Collin and Harrison counties went through major changes between 1861 and 1876. According to the author, these transformations resulted from reactionary politics triggered by statewide events, including the Secession crisis in 1861, support for the Confederacy between 1861–1865, and the adoption of the 1876 Texas Constitution.</p> <p>Dillard explains that political culture was initially forged by geographical locations and migration patterns. For example, the citizens of Collin County lived on the frontier and had migrated from the Upper South, circumstances that led them to place more faith in rugged individualism than in \"southern concepts of elitism\" commonly associated with traditional southern plantation societies of the Lower South (p. 32). Conversely, Harrison County, situated in East Texas, was heavily populated with Lower South migrants, who were more economically dependent on the use of slave labor and embraced the cultural values of the Old South. These cultural differences led the voters of Collin County to vehemently oppose secession in 1861, while their eastern counterparts strongly favored disunion.</p> <p>Once the Civil War erupted, however, Collin and Harrison counties accepted the fact that they faced a common enemy, prompting them to support the Confederacy. Furthermore, after the war ended, the counties embraced the concept of a new threat—the Republican Party. For the citizens of Collin and Harrison counties, Texas Republicans, especially prominent party leaders such as Gov. Edmund J. Davis, became the new symbols of federal tyranny. In response, these counties became politically aligned against Republican policies, including legislation related to the militia bill, the state police, railroad development, and a state school system. These positions were consistent with the majority of voters in Texas and eventually led to Democratic victories in the elections of 1872 and the complete dismantling of Governor Davis's policies.</p> <","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936691
Gonzalo Guzmán
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>El Curso de la Raza: The Education of Aurelio Manuel Montemayor</em> by Thomas Ray Garcia and Aurelio Manuel Montemayor <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Gonzalo Guzmán </li> </ul> <em>El Curso de la Raza: The Education of Aurelio Manuel Montemayor</em>. By Thomas Ray Garcia and Aurelio Manuel Montemayor. ( College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2023. Pp. 208. Illustrations, appendix, notes, index.) <p><em>El Curso de la Raza: The Education of Aurelio Manuel Montemayor</em>, coauthored by educators Aurelio Manuel Montemayor and Thomas Ray Garcia, details the educational experiences and political awakening of Montemayor, a South Texan educator and community activist. While it is a memoir, the book engages in deep discussion with historical documentation and secondary literature on the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement (<em>El Movimiento</em>) in Texas. The book chronicles Montemayor's contributions to Mexican-American/Chicano civil rights progress in South Texas that included a community political engagement course (<em>El Curso De La Raza</em>) and co-founding one of the earliest known Mexican-American-centered colleges in the United States, Colegio Jacinto Treviño. <em>El Curso</em> is not only an autobiography highlighting the development of Montemayor's critical consciousness (<em>conscientización</em>) but offers an intimate reflection on the impact of <em>El Movimiento</em> in Texas and the American Southwest during the 1960s and 1970s.</p> <p>In the prologue, Montemayor argues that the purpose of his memoir is to unpack the development of his <em>conscientización</em> and to "infuse a personal dimension into an otherwise historical insight into the past" (p. xxli). The book succeeds on all fronts. Divided into nine chapters and an appendix of historical documents from Montemayor's career, <em>El Curso</em> offers insights into the author's identity as a son of the Texas-Mexican borderlands (<em>fronterizo</em>) whose identity was always in flux but always committed to his community.</p> <p>Chapters 1–4 focus on the early development of Montemayor's political consciousness and exposure to community activism before 1968. Here, Montemayor's identity as a <em>fronterizo</em> shines as the author describes his identity negotiations while attending a private Catholic school, experiences as a student at St. Edward's University in Austin, and return to South Texas to be a high school teacher in San Felipe Independent School District. These chapters capture the growth of Montemayor's liberatory pedagogy that he would try to implement as a high school teacher and would later expand into a larger community activism <strong>[End Page 112]</strong> drive. Chapter 3 ("The <em>Cursillo de Cristiandad</em>") is a standout chapter because it speaks to the political and identity awakening of Mont
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： El Curso de la Raza：Thomas Ray Garcia 和 Aurelio Manuel Montemayor Gonzalo Guzmán 合著的《El Curso de la Raza：The Education of Aurelio Manuel Montemayor》：奥雷利奥-曼努埃尔-蒙特马约尔的教育》。作者：Thomas Ray Garcia 和 Aurelio Manuel Montemayor。(学院站：德克萨斯 A&M 大学出版社，2023 年。第 208 页。插图、附录、注释、索引）。El Curso de la Raza：教育家奥雷利奥-曼努埃尔-蒙特马约尔和托马斯-雷-加西亚合著的《奥雷利奥-曼努埃尔-蒙特马约尔的教育》详细介绍了蒙特马约尔的教育经历和政治觉醒。虽然这是一本回忆录，但书中对德克萨斯州墨西哥裔美国人民权运动（El Movimiento）的历史文献和二手文献进行了深入探讨。该书记录了蒙特马约尔对得克萨斯州南部墨西哥裔美国人/契卡诺人民权进步所做的贡献，包括开设社区政治参与课程（El Curso De La Raza），以及共同创办美国最早的以墨西哥裔美国人为中心的学院之一--哈辛托-特雷维诺学院（Colegio Jacinto Treviño）。El Curso》不仅是一本自传，突出了蒙特马约尔批判意识（conscientización）的发展，还对二十世纪六七十年代 "El Movimiento "运动在得克萨斯州和美国西南部的影响进行了深入思考。在序言中，蒙特马约尔指出，他撰写回忆录的目的是揭示其批判意识的发展历程，并 "在对过去的历史性洞察中注入个人色彩"（第 xxli 页）。本书在各个方面都取得了成功。El Curso》分为九个章节和一个附录，附录中收录了蒙特马约尔职业生涯中的历史文献，让读者深入了解作者作为德克萨斯州-墨西哥边境地区（fronterizo）之子的身份，他的身份一直在变化，但始终致力于他的社区。第 1-4 章重点介绍了蒙特马约尔政治意识的早期发展以及 1968 年前接触社区活动的情况。在这里，蒙特马约尔的前卫身份熠熠生辉，作者描述了他在私立天主教学校就读时的身份交涉、在奥斯汀圣爱德华大学的求学经历，以及回到南得克萨斯州圣菲利佩独立学区担任高中教师的经历。这些章节记录了蒙特马约尔作为一名高中教师尝试实施的解放教学法的成长历程，后来他又将这一教学法扩展为更大范围的社区活动 [第112页完] 推动力。第 3 章（"基督游吟团"）是最突出的一章，因为这一章讲述了蒙特马约尔在政治和身份认同方面的觉醒，这种觉醒后来成为他的教育和政治解放哲学的定义。这种觉醒将永远改变他的教育和社区活动生涯。正如蒙特马约尔写道："如果说大学解放了我，那么游吟诗人则重塑了我"（第 22 页）。第 5-9 章记录了蒙特马约尔将解放教育学的身份和理念扩展到更广泛的墨西哥裔美国人社区的过程。这五章揭示了他从 1968 年到 1975 年离开教师岗位后，对德克萨斯州 El Movimiento 运动做出的越来越大的贡献。在许多方面，本书的这一部分展示了蒙特马约尔为调和教育学和行动主义所走过的道路。他的调和之路包括他在美国志愿者服务组织（VISTA）的组织工作，共同创建社区组织教育课程（El Curso de la Raza），以及最终参与创建以墨西哥裔美国人为中心的学院--Colegio Jacinto Treviño。最终，这条道路导致 El Curso 于 1975 年结束，蒙特马约尔对他在教育活动中遇到的许多障碍进行了非常个人化的评估。蒙特马约尔希望促进得克萨斯州南部边境地区的社区活动和解放，这一点在本书中非常明显，但也讨论了联邦 "伟大社会 "计划对该地区的影响。第 8 章（"The Curso de la Raza"）捕捉到了蒙特马约尔回忆录的主要目标，也是他如何兼顾教育家和社区组织者身份的核心范例。在回顾《El Curso》的创作过程时，他写道："《El Curso》成为了一个理想的载体，可以重拾对自己和社区的自豪感，摆脱社会伤害和轻视，采取行动，改变制度化的排斥和偏执....。我仍然从知识......
{"title":"El Curso de la Raza: The Education of Aurelio Manuel Montemayor by Thomas Ray Garcia and Aurelio Manuel Montemayor (review)","authors":"Gonzalo Guzmán","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936691","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>El Curso de la Raza: The Education of Aurelio Manuel Montemayor</em> by Thomas Ray Garcia and Aurelio Manuel Montemayor <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Gonzalo Guzmán </li> </ul> <em>El Curso de la Raza: The Education of Aurelio Manuel Montemayor</em>. By Thomas Ray Garcia and Aurelio Manuel Montemayor. ( College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2023. Pp. 208. Illustrations, appendix, notes, index.) <p><em>El Curso de la Raza: The Education of Aurelio Manuel Montemayor</em>, coauthored by educators Aurelio Manuel Montemayor and Thomas Ray Garcia, details the educational experiences and political awakening of Montemayor, a South Texan educator and community activist. While it is a memoir, the book engages in deep discussion with historical documentation and secondary literature on the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement (<em>El Movimiento</em>) in Texas. The book chronicles Montemayor's contributions to Mexican-American/Chicano civil rights progress in South Texas that included a community political engagement course (<em>El Curso De La Raza</em>) and co-founding one of the earliest known Mexican-American-centered colleges in the United States, Colegio Jacinto Treviño. <em>El Curso</em> is not only an autobiography highlighting the development of Montemayor's critical consciousness (<em>conscientización</em>) but offers an intimate reflection on the impact of <em>El Movimiento</em> in Texas and the American Southwest during the 1960s and 1970s.</p> <p>In the prologue, Montemayor argues that the purpose of his memoir is to unpack the development of his <em>conscientización</em> and to \"infuse a personal dimension into an otherwise historical insight into the past\" (p. xxli). The book succeeds on all fronts. Divided into nine chapters and an appendix of historical documents from Montemayor's career, <em>El Curso</em> offers insights into the author's identity as a son of the Texas-Mexican borderlands (<em>fronterizo</em>) whose identity was always in flux but always committed to his community.</p> <p>Chapters 1–4 focus on the early development of Montemayor's political consciousness and exposure to community activism before 1968. Here, Montemayor's identity as a <em>fronterizo</em> shines as the author describes his identity negotiations while attending a private Catholic school, experiences as a student at St. Edward's University in Austin, and return to South Texas to be a high school teacher in San Felipe Independent School District. These chapters capture the growth of Montemayor's liberatory pedagogy that he would try to implement as a high school teacher and would later expand into a larger community activism <strong>[End Page 112]</strong> drive. Chapter 3 (\"The <em>Cursillo de Cristiandad</em>\") is a standout chapter because it speaks to the political and identity awakening of Mont","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936689
Michael Frawley
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>White Man's Work: Race and Middle-Class Mobility into the Progressive Era</em> by Joseph O. Jewell <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Michael Frawley </li> </ul> <em>White Man's Work: Race and Middle-Class Mobility into the Progressive Era</em>. By Joseph O. Jewell. ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. 210. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index.) <p><strong>[End Page 109]</strong></p> <p>In <em>White Man's Work: Race and Middle-Class Mobility into the Progressive Era</em>, the author, Joseph O. Jewell, defines "White man's work" as "work that provided clear social and economic advantages to those who performed it" (p. 9). Through his work, Jewell explores the boundaries of "White man's work" and the blurring of racial and social lines through the push of minority groups to gain the advantages that White Americans had from the work they were doing. The author does excellent work in his introduction about both the state of the field and his research methods, grounding his work in the historiography of social mobility and explaining why this book was very much needed.</p> <p>In his first chapter, Jewell reviews the overall ideas of what made up the middle class during the Progressive Era and how racial and social boundaries developed. A combination of changes in the economy that created new jobs above the working class, mostly filled by White workers, and new groups either finding freedom for the first time, such as African Americans, or experiencing immigration, such as Mexican Americans and Chinese Americans, resulted in the creation of shifting boundaries and small gaps that allowed others to try to achieve the American Dream. Jewell uses the work of social scientists to define the terms appearing in his book and to create a framework for understanding the different ways that racial and social boundaries are created and how they function. This excellently framed the rest of his book, especially around the ideas of brightening and blurring boundaries.</p> <p>Jewell then moves on to case studies of middle-class mobility in three cities—Atlanta, San Antonio, and San Francisco—while focusing on the same three groups attempting to move up into the middle class: African Americans, Mexican Americans, and Chinese Americans. Jewell argues that in urban areas such as these, lines were drawn around race and social structure, and they became battlegrounds for the debate over social mobility. As he states, "Within the racial context of the late nineteenth century, the visible effort of Black, Mexican, and Chinese men to secure both middle-class jobs and middle-class lifestyles became the subject of intense public debate among White populations" (p. 7). Whites believed that their lifestyle and place in society was being threatened by the attempts of other groups to gain the same level o
{"title":"White Man's Work: Race and Middle-Class Mobility into the Progressive Era by Joseph O. Jewell (review)","authors":"Michael Frawley","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936689","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>White Man's Work: Race and Middle-Class Mobility into the Progressive Era</em> by Joseph O. Jewell <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Michael Frawley </li> </ul> <em>White Man's Work: Race and Middle-Class Mobility into the Progressive Era</em>. By Joseph O. Jewell. ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. 210. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index.) <p><strong>[End Page 109]</strong></p> <p>In <em>White Man's Work: Race and Middle-Class Mobility into the Progressive Era</em>, the author, Joseph O. Jewell, defines \"White man's work\" as \"work that provided clear social and economic advantages to those who performed it\" (p. 9). Through his work, Jewell explores the boundaries of \"White man's work\" and the blurring of racial and social lines through the push of minority groups to gain the advantages that White Americans had from the work they were doing. The author does excellent work in his introduction about both the state of the field and his research methods, grounding his work in the historiography of social mobility and explaining why this book was very much needed.</p> <p>In his first chapter, Jewell reviews the overall ideas of what made up the middle class during the Progressive Era and how racial and social boundaries developed. A combination of changes in the economy that created new jobs above the working class, mostly filled by White workers, and new groups either finding freedom for the first time, such as African Americans, or experiencing immigration, such as Mexican Americans and Chinese Americans, resulted in the creation of shifting boundaries and small gaps that allowed others to try to achieve the American Dream. Jewell uses the work of social scientists to define the terms appearing in his book and to create a framework for understanding the different ways that racial and social boundaries are created and how they function. This excellently framed the rest of his book, especially around the ideas of brightening and blurring boundaries.</p> <p>Jewell then moves on to case studies of middle-class mobility in three cities—Atlanta, San Antonio, and San Francisco—while focusing on the same three groups attempting to move up into the middle class: African Americans, Mexican Americans, and Chinese Americans. Jewell argues that in urban areas such as these, lines were drawn around race and social structure, and they became battlegrounds for the debate over social mobility. As he states, \"Within the racial context of the late nineteenth century, the visible effort of Black, Mexican, and Chinese men to secure both middle-class jobs and middle-class lifestyles became the subject of intense public debate among White populations\" (p. 7). Whites believed that their lifestyle and place in society was being threatened by the attempts of other groups to gain the same level o","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936693
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Southwestern Collection <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>Bronze statue of Mirabeau B. Lamar in front of the Fort Bend County courthouse in Richmond, created by Sidney B. Waugh for the Texas Centennial in 1936. <em>Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons</em>.</p> <p></p> <h2><em>TSHA</em></h2> <p>It is not too early to register for the 129th Annual Meeting and reserve your hotel room! We will gather from February 26 to March 1, 2025, at the Royal Sonesta Houston Galleria in Houston, Texas. Arrangements are being made for 150 speakers in more than forty sessions, as well as eight banquets and receptions, offsite tours, and several special engagements. Since 2025 is the 160th anniversary of Juneteenth, we will have a session on this significant event featuring Opal Lee. Known as the 'Grandmother of Juneteenth,' she will speak of her activism that was pivotal in establishing Juneteenth as a federal holiday. Lee's reflections on her commitment to community should inspire and educate everyone. Joining her will be renowned historians Samuel Collins III and Ed Cotham. Rooms are now available at special rates for conference attendees. For more information, or to register for the meeting, go to https://am.tsha.events/</p> <h3>_______</h3> <p>The TSHA applauds the achievements of Texas students who participated in the National History Day (NHD) contest held at the University of Maryland from June 9–13, 2024. These remarkable young historians, 74 in number, showcased their passion for history, demonstrated their skills in research and presentation, and represented Texas with distinction. Texas History Day (THD) students from various cities across Texas advanced through school, regional, and state contests to earn the opportunity to compete at NHD. Amid a total of approximately 2,900 students from all fifty states, international schools, and U.S. territories, the students from Texas shone brightly, impressing judges with their historical analyses and engaging presentations on "Turning Points in History."</p> <p>The TSHA congratulates the following Texas students for their remarkable achievements at the NHD contest:</p> <p>National 2nd Place:</p> <ul> <li> <p>Tori White, Nimitz High School (Houston), "Red Light! Gladys West & the Global Positioning System," <em>Senior Individual Performance</em>.</p> </li> </ul> <p>National 4th Place:</p> <ul> <li> <p>Aliya Ajani, Ambika Nair, Seleste Banks, and Smrithi Guddeti, The Honor Roll</p> </li> <li> <p>School (Sugar Land), "Invention of the Smallpox Vaccine: The Birth of Mass Vaccination," <em>Junior Group Website</em>.</p> </li> <li> <p>Nora Gillum, Dripping Springs Middle School (Dripping Springs), "Poisoned Pills: How the 1982 Tylenol Scare Became a Turning Point in Consumer Safety," <em>Junior Individual Website</em>.</p> </li> <li> <p>Felicit
{"title":"Southwestern Collection","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936693","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Southwestern Collection <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>Bronze statue of Mirabeau B. Lamar in front of the Fort Bend County courthouse in Richmond, created by Sidney B. Waugh for the Texas Centennial in 1936. <em>Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons</em>.</p> <p></p> <h2><em>TSHA</em></h2> <p>It is not too early to register for the 129th Annual Meeting and reserve your hotel room! We will gather from February 26 to March 1, 2025, at the Royal Sonesta Houston Galleria in Houston, Texas. Arrangements are being made for 150 speakers in more than forty sessions, as well as eight banquets and receptions, offsite tours, and several special engagements. Since 2025 is the 160th anniversary of Juneteenth, we will have a session on this significant event featuring Opal Lee. Known as the 'Grandmother of Juneteenth,' she will speak of her activism that was pivotal in establishing Juneteenth as a federal holiday. Lee's reflections on her commitment to community should inspire and educate everyone. Joining her will be renowned historians Samuel Collins III and Ed Cotham. Rooms are now available at special rates for conference attendees. For more information, or to register for the meeting, go to https://am.tsha.events/</p> <h3>_______</h3> <p>The TSHA applauds the achievements of Texas students who participated in the National History Day (NHD) contest held at the University of Maryland from June 9–13, 2024. These remarkable young historians, 74 in number, showcased their passion for history, demonstrated their skills in research and presentation, and represented Texas with distinction. Texas History Day (THD) students from various cities across Texas advanced through school, regional, and state contests to earn the opportunity to compete at NHD. Amid a total of approximately 2,900 students from all fifty states, international schools, and U.S. territories, the students from Texas shone brightly, impressing judges with their historical analyses and engaging presentations on \"Turning Points in History.\"</p> <p>The TSHA congratulates the following Texas students for their remarkable achievements at the NHD contest:</p> <p>National 2nd Place:</p> <ul> <li> <p>Tori White, Nimitz High School (Houston), \"Red Light! Gladys West & the Global Positioning System,\" <em>Senior Individual Performance</em>.</p> </li> </ul> <p>National 4th Place:</p> <ul> <li> <p>Aliya Ajani, Ambika Nair, Seleste Banks, and Smrithi Guddeti, The Honor Roll</p> </li> <li> <p>School (Sugar Land), \"Invention of the Smallpox Vaccine: The Birth of Mass Vaccination,\" <em>Junior Group Website</em>.</p> </li> <li> <p>Nora Gillum, Dripping Springs Middle School (Dripping Springs), \"Poisoned Pills: How the 1982 Tylenol Scare Became a Turning Point in Consumer Safety,\" <em>Junior Individual Website</em>.</p> </li> <li> <p>Felicit","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936680
B. Jack Hanly
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Building Houston's Petroleum Expertise:<span>Humble Oil, Environmental Knowledge, and the Architecture of Industrial Research</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> B. Jack Hanly (bio) </li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>Humble Oil Building with its open plaza and podium base. <em>From Author's Collection</em>.</p> <p></p> <p>In a 1956 speech to the American Petroleum Institute, noted geologist and geophysicist M. King Hubbert made a series of predictions that would shake the oil industry to its core. Hubbert, a research scientist at Shell Oil, laid out his forecasts for global and domestic crude oil production, calculated via logarithmic functions. Hubbert observed that the industry had done a fairly good job of charting past progress and near-term market conditions. But oil's long-range future remained a riddle. In an effort to solve it, Hubbert used a method of extrapolation drawn from the studies of mining district life cycles by the British economic geologist D. F. Hewett. Hubbert's model found that coal and oil exhibited increasing rates of production for a period before leveling off and then decreasing at a similarly accelerating rate of decline—a bell-curve shape that would become known as "Hubbert's peak." Hubbert's prediction estimated that domestic oil production in the United States would peak in 1970, while global production would do so around 2000. Hubbert's clarion call did not stifle the post-war gospel of plenty; instead, it triggered vehement resistance by the industry that funded his research. Hubbert shared few peers in resource forecasting at this time, but those who did claim to be experts in his field declared market mechanisms and technological innovation would sustain the nation's resources for decades to come.<sup>1</sup> <strong>[End Page 63]</strong></p> <p>While the story of Hubbert's peak oil prediction and subsequent vindication are well known, less attention has been paid to the broader urban dynamics and architectural supports that set the stage for his insights. Hubbert carried out his research within a landscape of burgeoning Sunbelt oil research centers. By the 1970s, Houston became the prime location for all manner of oil industry research activity due to executive oversight and the proximity of extraction points. Indeed, the city transformed into a global capital of energy research and expertise, even as the tremors of resource scarcity began to puncture its cornucopian imagination. This paper addresses the architectural and urban configurations of the postwar oil industry in and around Houston, Texas with particular attention to structures for knowledge production. If Hubbert's thesis presented an existential threat to industry leaders anticipating a future of incredible prosperity, this paper analyzes the buildings and landscapes that mediated or resisted
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 打造休斯顿的石油专家：大谦石油公司、环境知识和工业研究建筑 B. 杰克-汉利（简历 点击查看大图 查看完整分辨率 大谦石油公司大楼及其开放式广场和裙楼基座。来自作者的收藏。 1956 年，著名地质学家和地球物理学家 M. 金-哈伯特在美国石油学会的一次演讲中，做出了一系列震撼石油工业的预测。哈伯特是壳牌石油公司的研究科学家，他通过对数函数计算，对全球和国内原油产量进行了预测。哈伯特指出，石油行业在描绘过去的进展和近期市场状况方面做得相当出色。但石油的长远未来仍然是个谜。为了解决这个问题，哈伯特采用了英国经济地质学家休伊特（D. F. Hewett）在矿区生命周期研究中总结出的一种外推法。哈伯特的模型发现，煤炭和石油的产量在一段时间内呈上升趋势，然后趋于平稳，接着以同样的加速度下降--这就是后来被称为 "哈伯特峰值 "的钟形曲线。根据哈伯特的预测，美国国内石油产量将在 1970 年达到峰值，而全球产量将在 2000 年左右达到峰值。哈伯特的号召并没有扼杀战后的富裕福音，反而引发了资助其研究的行业的强烈抵制。此时的哈伯特在资源预测领域鲜有同行，但那些自称是该领域专家的人却宣称，市场机制和技术创新将使国家的资源在未来数十年内得以维持1 [完 第 63 页] 尽管哈伯特的石油峰值预测和随后的平反故事广为人知，但人们却较少关注为他的见解奠定基础的更广泛的城市动力和建筑支持。哈伯特是在太阳带石油研究中心蓬勃发展的背景下开展研究的。到 20 世纪 70 年代，由于行政监督和临近开采点，休斯顿成为各种石油工业研究活动的首选之地。事实上，这座城市已转变为全球能源研究和专业技术之都，即使资源匮乏的震荡开始刺破它的美好想象。本文探讨了战后德克萨斯州休斯顿及其周边地区石油工业的建筑和城市结构，尤其关注知识生产结构。如果说哈伯特的论断对预期未来将无比繁荣的行业领导者构成了生存威胁，那么本文则分析了那些介导或抵制其令人不安的现实的建筑和景观：汉布尔石油公司。汉布尔石油公司的总裁摩根-J-戴维斯（Morgan J. Davis）发表了许多对石油峰值论的激烈反驳，用哈伯特自己的话说，他是一个 "沙文主义的德克萨斯人，[他]根据定义武断地提议增加原油储量"。虽然戴维斯在哈伯特看来是一个故意无视科学严谨性的无知者，但他所监管的公司实际上却非常关注战后蓬勃发展的技术科学文化所带来的商机。3 通过对汉伯石油公司三种规模的空间开发进行研究，休斯顿及其周边地区不断涌现的研究实验室、公司办公大楼和城镇开发项目似乎反映了人们对石油的物质和非物质层面日益增长的兴趣。本文认为，对于石油工业来说，建筑既是开采活动的管理场所，也是基于石油的环境知识的认识论景观。换句话说，这些新设施将石油生产牢牢扎根于城市空间，同时产生信息资产，以追求该行业的长期生存能力。像哈伯特领导的石油研究中心这样的研究中心可以被视为气候史学家保罗-爱德华兹（Paul Edwards）所说的石油工业知识基础设施的重要组成部分。在爱德华兹看来，这些是 "由人、人工制品和机构组成的强大网络，它们生成、分享和 [第 64 页结束] 维护着有关人类和自然世界的特定知识"。一些环境和能源历史学家将工业和开采对自然界的影响描述为贪婪，但他们忽略了一个平行的趋势......
{"title":"Building Houston's Petroleum Expertise: Humble Oil, Environmental Knowledge, and the Architecture of Industrial Research","authors":"B. Jack Hanly","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936680","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Building Houston's Petroleum Expertise:<span>Humble Oil, Environmental Knowledge, and the Architecture of Industrial Research</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> B. Jack Hanly (bio) </li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>Humble Oil Building with its open plaza and podium base. <em>From Author's Collection</em>.</p> <p></p> <p>In a 1956 speech to the American Petroleum Institute, noted geologist and geophysicist M. King Hubbert made a series of predictions that would shake the oil industry to its core. Hubbert, a research scientist at Shell Oil, laid out his forecasts for global and domestic crude oil production, calculated via logarithmic functions. Hubbert observed that the industry had done a fairly good job of charting past progress and near-term market conditions. But oil's long-range future remained a riddle. In an effort to solve it, Hubbert used a method of extrapolation drawn from the studies of mining district life cycles by the British economic geologist D. F. Hewett. Hubbert's model found that coal and oil exhibited increasing rates of production for a period before leveling off and then decreasing at a similarly accelerating rate of decline—a bell-curve shape that would become known as \"Hubbert's peak.\" Hubbert's prediction estimated that domestic oil production in the United States would peak in 1970, while global production would do so around 2000. Hubbert's clarion call did not stifle the post-war gospel of plenty; instead, it triggered vehement resistance by the industry that funded his research. Hubbert shared few peers in resource forecasting at this time, but those who did claim to be experts in his field declared market mechanisms and technological innovation would sustain the nation's resources for decades to come.<sup>1</sup> <strong>[End Page 63]</strong></p> <p>While the story of Hubbert's peak oil prediction and subsequent vindication are well known, less attention has been paid to the broader urban dynamics and architectural supports that set the stage for his insights. Hubbert carried out his research within a landscape of burgeoning Sunbelt oil research centers. By the 1970s, Houston became the prime location for all manner of oil industry research activity due to executive oversight and the proximity of extraction points. Indeed, the city transformed into a global capital of energy research and expertise, even as the tremors of resource scarcity began to puncture its cornucopian imagination. This paper addresses the architectural and urban configurations of the postwar oil industry in and around Houston, Texas with particular attention to structures for knowledge production. If Hubbert's thesis presented an existential threat to industry leaders anticipating a future of incredible prosperity, this paper analyzes the buildings and landscapes that mediated or resisted","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936679
Moisés Acuña-Gurrola
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> A Minority View:<span>Reynell Parkins and Creative Tension in the Civil Rights Movement of Texas, 1965–1975</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Moisés Acuña-Gurrola (bio) </li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>Portrait of Rev. Reynell M. Parkins, circa 1968. <em>Courtesy of Reynell M. Parkins Collection, Corpus Christi Public Libraries</em>.</p> <p></p> <p>T<small>wo protracted civil rights movements changed the face</small> of Texas politics in the 1960s and 1970s. While African Americans dismantled Jim Crow, ethnic Mexicans grappled with the institutionally enforced methods of discrimination that targeted Mexican immigrants, Mexican Americans, and Spanish-surnamed citizens, a system often retroactively referred to as "Juan Crow."<sup>1</sup> Following the Civil Rights and Economic Opportunity Acts of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, African Americans and ethnic Mexicans focused their efforts toward breaking down the remaining structural barriers that hindered the quality of life that the new laws promised to deliver. Each group met a unique set of circumstances, but the amount of their overlap regularly compelled ethnic Mexicans and African Americans to cooperate on local issues like educational reform, workplace equality, and neighborhood improvement. The rate of change was slow but steady. A major reason for the slow rate of change was because of leaders' reliance on respectability politics, or what one historian called the "politics of civility," in which the rules of the establishment shaped the movement. Under this strategy, leaders found victory defined by courts, laws, and opportunities for personal upward economic mobility.<sup>2</sup> Such tactics, according to historians and contemporary radical <strong>[End Page 41]</strong> activists, resulted often in minority activist leaders eventually falling under the control of Anglo liberal elites.</p> <p>Radical—often high-school and college-aged—activists who grew impatient with the slow rate of change by the middle to late 1960s created a new language of protest that stressed Black Power and Chicano Power. The language was direct and confrontational. It demanded equal representation in an Anglo-dominated political and economic system, the very one that had historically marginalized both groups. As historian William H. Chafe explains about radical Black activist language, "Black Power was revolutionary precisely to the extent that it rejected traditional White definitions of success, achievement, political dialogues, and social manners" held by the minority community leaders who believed in the effectiveness that gradualism promised.<sup>3</sup> Thus, a clash between the leadership of radical youths and "civil"-minded veteran community leaders resulted in a chasm between the two generations.</p> <p>But from 1965 to 1975, one leader
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： A Minority View:Reynell Parkins and Creative Tension in the Civil Rights Movement of Texas, 1965-1975 Moisés Acuña-Gurrola (bio) 点击查看大图 查看完整分辨率 Reynell M. Parkins 牧师肖像，约 1968 年。科珀斯克里斯蒂公共图书馆 Reynell M. Parkins 藏品提供。 20 世纪 60 和 70 年代，两场旷日持久的民权运动改变了得克萨斯州的政治面貌。1964 年民权和经济机会法案》和《1965 年投票权法案》颁布后，非裔美国人和墨西哥裔美国人集中精力打破剩余的结构性障碍，这些障碍阻碍了新法律所承诺的生活质量。每个群体都遇到了一系列独特的情况，但他们之间的重叠经常迫使墨西哥裔美国人和非裔美国人在教育改革、工作场所平等和社区改善等地方性问题上进行合作。变化的速度缓慢但稳定。变革速度缓慢的一个主要原因是领导人对体面政治的依赖，也就是一位历史学家所说的 "礼貌政治"，在这种政治中，建制派的规则决定了运动的走向。在这种策略下，领袖们发现胜利是由法院、法律和个人经济向上流动的机会所决定的。2 根据历史学家和当代激进分子的观点，这种策略往往导致少数派激进分子领袖最终落入盎格鲁自由派精英的控制之下。到 20 世纪 60 年代中后期，激进活动家--通常是高中和大学年龄段的活动家--对缓慢的变革速度感到不耐烦，他们创造了一种新的抗议语言，强调黑人力量和奇卡诺人力量。这种语言直接而具有对抗性。他们要求在盎格鲁人主导的政治和经济体系中拥有平等的代表权，而这一体系在历史上曾将黑人和奇卡诺人边缘化。正如历史学家威廉-查夫（William H. Chafe）对黑人激进分子语言的解释，"黑人力量之所以具有革命性，正是因为它拒绝接受白人对成功、成就、政治对话和社会礼仪的传统定义"，而这些定义是少数族裔社区领袖所持有的，他们相信渐进主义所承诺的有效性。但是，从 1965 年到 1975 年，有一位领导人体现了当时得克萨斯州民权运动看似矛盾的特点：雷内尔-帕金斯牧师。他是一位中年黑人、拉美裔移民、黑人力量活动家、奇卡诺自豪主义倡导者、学者和受过大学教育的牧师，他要求立即实现社会正义。帕金斯热情捍卫当地激进青年免受中年同龄人和盎格鲁自由主义者的批评，他将这一过程称为 "创造性张力"。4 帕金斯以其独特的自信态度，带着一丝嘲讽，向一群得克萨斯州市政规划师和建筑师阐述了他对代际对话的看法： 我们需要教导大家，全人类的主要责任是将普遍的超越法则应用于特定的情况。例如："孝敬父母 "是没有问题的，除非我的父亲是个神经病，母亲是个酒鬼，而我在家里要依赖这两个人。在这种情况下，我们需要教会人们在我称之为富有成效的、创造性的紧张关系中生活。规划者和所有美国人都拒绝接受 "紧张 "的概念，似乎认为只要存在紧张，就有问题，紧张就是负面的。我想说的是，事实并非如此。5 在 1965 年及以后的 "暗杀后的荒野"，墨西哥裔青年和非裔美国人为摆脱 "白人自由主义者无意识地宣扬白人权力 "而斗争，帕金斯是黑人和墨西哥裔自由斗争的领导者，他始终直面渐进主义者设置的障碍。因此，对帕金斯 20 世纪 60 年代末和 70 年代初在得克萨斯州的活动进行批判性调查，为历史学家提供了一个新的视角。
{"title":"A Minority View: Reynell Parkins and Creative Tension in the Civil Rights Movement of Texas, 1965–1975","authors":"Moisés Acuña-Gurrola","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936679","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/swh.2024.a936679","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> A Minority View:<span>Reynell Parkins and Creative Tension in the Civil Rights Movement of Texas, 1965–1975</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Moisés Acuña-Gurrola (bio) </li> </ul> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p>Portrait of Rev. Reynell M. Parkins, circa 1968. <em>Courtesy of Reynell M. Parkins Collection, Corpus Christi Public Libraries</em>.</p> <p></p> <p>T<small>wo protracted civil rights movements changed the face</small> of Texas politics in the 1960s and 1970s. While African Americans dismantled Jim Crow, ethnic Mexicans grappled with the institutionally enforced methods of discrimination that targeted Mexican immigrants, Mexican Americans, and Spanish-surnamed citizens, a system often retroactively referred to as \"Juan Crow.\"<sup>1</sup> Following the Civil Rights and Economic Opportunity Acts of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, African Americans and ethnic Mexicans focused their efforts toward breaking down the remaining structural barriers that hindered the quality of life that the new laws promised to deliver. Each group met a unique set of circumstances, but the amount of their overlap regularly compelled ethnic Mexicans and African Americans to cooperate on local issues like educational reform, workplace equality, and neighborhood improvement. The rate of change was slow but steady. A major reason for the slow rate of change was because of leaders' reliance on respectability politics, or what one historian called the \"politics of civility,\" in which the rules of the establishment shaped the movement. Under this strategy, leaders found victory defined by courts, laws, and opportunities for personal upward economic mobility.<sup>2</sup> Such tactics, according to historians and contemporary radical <strong>[End Page 41]</strong> activists, resulted often in minority activist leaders eventually falling under the control of Anglo liberal elites.</p> <p>Radical—often high-school and college-aged—activists who grew impatient with the slow rate of change by the middle to late 1960s created a new language of protest that stressed Black Power and Chicano Power. The language was direct and confrontational. It demanded equal representation in an Anglo-dominated political and economic system, the very one that had historically marginalized both groups. As historian William H. Chafe explains about radical Black activist language, \"Black Power was revolutionary precisely to the extent that it rejected traditional White definitions of success, achievement, political dialogues, and social manners\" held by the minority community leaders who believed in the effectiveness that gradualism promised.<sup>3</sup> Thus, a clash between the leadership of radical youths and \"civil\"-minded veteran community leaders resulted in a chasm between the two generations.</p> <p>But from 1965 to 1975, one leader","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142199113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936688
Jason Pierce
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Southwest Train Robberies: Hijacking the Tracks Along the Southern Corridor</em> by Doug Hocking <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Jason Pierce </li> </ul> <em>Southwest Train Robberies: Hijacking the Tracks Along the Southern Corridor</em>. By Doug Hocking. ( Essex, CT: Two Dot, 2023. Pp. 247. Illustrations, Bibliography, Index.) <p><strong>[End Page 108]</strong></p> <p>Some books are a labor of love, and clearly that is the case with Doug Hocking's <em>Southwest Train Robberies</em>. Hocking is not interested in 'big picture' theories about railroads, criminals, or anything else that detracts from recounting fascinating yarns about the early days of railroading in a wilder West. To be sure, he employs a good deal of research in the creation of these stories (relying especially on newspaper accounts from the time), but it is really just in the service of his interest in telling tales of derring-do and occasionally tragi-comic foolishness.</p> <p>Hocking begins with a general discussion of the arrival of railroads in southeastern Arizona and western New Mexico, with the geographic center of his discussion being Cochise County, Arizona. From there, he briefly discusses the motivations of would-be bank robbers, and concludes by defining the general characteristics of train crews. All of this, though, is merely setting the stage for the eleven chapters that follow.</p> <p>The chapters can be a bit heavy with details, but they are unfailingly entertaining and sprinkled with interesting tidbits about life in the era. There are cowboys turned outlaws, outlaws turned lawmen, and dutiful reporters with a penchant for flowery prose recounting it all. There is the tale of Kit Carson Joy and his gang, who stole $800 but in their amateurish haste missed the more valuable registered mail pouch. All but Joy eventually paid with their lives. Or there is the story of Sheriff John Slaughter and his deputy relentlessly tracking a gang through the dry torturous desert country. And then comes the sad story of hapless rancher-turned-robber Tom Dugat, who hoped a successful robbery would help revive his and his daughter's finances after the failure of his goat ranching operation.</p> <p>Hocking estimates that between the laying of the tracks in the 1880s and the end of the train-robbing era in the 1920s, there were at least sixteen robberies between Benson, Arizona, and El Paso, Texas. Some were more successful than others, but each added to the romance and mystique of the period. The era came to an end, of course, for which the author provides several explanations for the decline in robberies: better communication, faster train engines that did not need constant refueling, the ability to wire money rather than sending cash, and the rise of the automobile and the American highway system all contributed to the end of tra
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Pub Date : 2024-09-11DOI: 10.1353/swh.2024.a936682
Matthew K. Hamilton
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas Political Identity, 1830–1900</em> by William J. Chriss <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Matthew K. Hamilton </li> </ul> <em>Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas Political Identity, 1830–1900</em>. By William J. Chriss. ( College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2024. Pp. 330. Illustrations, notes, index.) <p>In <em>Six Constitutions Over Texas</em>, legal historian William J. Chriss explores how Texans forged their political identity, and how that identity exhibited itself in Texas's six governing charters. Arranged chronologically into six chapters, this book guides the reader through the constitutional history of Texas, from the rebellious Constitution of 1836 through the reactionary Constitution of 1876. Along the way, Chriss offers insights into the legal history of Texas with a thoroughly researched, well-written narrative that should appeal to academics and non-academics alike.</p> <p>The book's premise is simple: "Texas should be understood as an imagined community, an identity produced by ideological consensus among economic, cultural, and legal elites" (p. 218). To Chriss, Texas's six constitutions are not simply laws that limited government action or documents that organized communities; rather, they were "important artifacts shedding light on the ideologies" of the Texans that created them (p. xiii).</p> <p>The author's methodology combines theories of "otherness" and comparative constitutionalism that allow the reader to see how Texas's constitutions created a dominant cultural and political identity by "defining those who are outsiders" (p. 219). For example, an important part of why Texans revolted against the newly centralized Mexican government was the protection of the slave economy. Texian political identity was created, in part, out of fear of an alliance of emancipated slaves, Tejanos, blacks, and Indians that would oust them from the province. As a result, the 1836 Constitution of the Republic of Texas sought to create a bulwark against Tejano and Mexican agitation of racial violence.</p> <p>After Texas's annexation to the United States and the subsequent Mexican-American War, Tejano and Mexican threats ceased. But Chriss contends <strong>[End Page 101]</strong> that Anglo elites in Texas soon identified northerners' agitation of the slavery question as a new threat to white supremacy in Texas, and this attitude continued through the end of Reconstruction in the mid-1870s. Later, as the United States experienced rapid urbanization and industrialization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Anglo elites' racial fears were replaced by their concerns about class consciousness. To prevent possible "cooperation between African Americans and poor whites," segregation was imposed and ingrained in Texas in the early twentieth
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