这些崎岖的边缘:Andrew J. Torget 和 Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle 编著的《美墨边境暴力史》(评论)

IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI:10.1353/swh.2024.a918139
Trinidad Gonzales
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Notes, index, illustrations, graphs, maps, tables.) <p><em>These Ragged Edges: Histories of Violence along the U.S.-Mexico Border</em> edited by Andrew Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle provides a chronological overview of violence along what is today the U.S.-Mexico border from the early nineteenth century to the present. Most of the chapters focus on the Texas-Mexico border. All the chapters provide important insights that contribute to our understanding of the forces that shape border violence. The only defect of the book is that one author engaged in a marinization of another scholar's work through non-citation.</p> <p>Torget and Gurza-Lavalle stated that the aim for their collection was to provide a structural understanding that illuminates circumstances that create and perpetuate violence on the border. They refer to the chapters as \"case\" studies (p. 6) that should be viewed collectively to find the \"evolution of conditions\" (p. 9) for why violence occurs, as opposed to the view that violence is \"endemic and natural\" (p. 9) to the border.</p> <p>The collection is divided into four parts. In \"Livestock, Markets, and Guns\" three chapters focus on how weak sovereign control and the United States' market economy contributed to livestock theft and smuggling. From the U.S.-Mexico War to the post-Civil War period, the lack of state control over the newly created boundary allowed Comanches and other livestock rustlers to commit cross-border theft and find sanctuary from prosecution on either side. Of historiographic note is Joaquín Rivaya-Martínez's rejection of Hämäläinen's imperial desires and DeLay's vengeance explanation for Comanche raiding in Chapter 2. Instead, he argues Comanche raiding resulted from economic opportunity.</p> <p>The second section, \"State Power in Transition,\" examines the rise of strongmen. Interestingly, Alice L. Baumgartner rejects Miguel Ángel González-Quiroga's intra-ethnic cooperative violence thesis by focusing on the issue of citizenship as disrupting cooperation. J. Gabriel Martínez-Serna <strong>[End Page 358]</strong> ends this section noting the Porfiriato did not monopolize violence during its early phase, as traditionally understood.</p> <p>The third section \"Violence at the Turn of the Century,\" centers on state-sanctioned violence. Brandon Morgan examines the Santana Pérez insurgency against the Díaz regime during the late nineteenth century, and Sonia Hernández uncovers the transnational political alliance that rallied to Gregorio Cortez's defense after he killed two Texas sheriffs in self-defense. William D. Carrigan and Clive Webb argue for factors for understanding spikes in ethnic Mexican lynchings. The first and second factors are alike: vigilantes feared that persons might escape to Mexico before apprehension by authorities and that prisoners might escape jail after apprehension. Third, language barriers led to summary executions, and fourth, increased migration contributed to a rise in ethnic/racial tensions.</p> <p>The final section, \"Drugs and Migrants,\" follows the increase in border and immigration control in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Santiago Ivan Guerra traces the shift from family to international criminal organization monopolization of the drug trade that led to greater violence. Elaine Carey and José Carlos Cisneros Guzmán make a continuity argument for women's presences within the drug trade, while Alejandra Díaz de León argues that increased enforcement led to a rise of migrant deaths as result of criminal organizations victimizing them or having to cross more dangerous routes.</p> <p>One criticism I have of the collection is the lack of a conclusion that sums up the various findings. No clear sense of the historiographic direction that scholars can build from is offered based on the chapter findings. Concerning the issue of marginalizing another scholar's work, Alan Knight failed to cite my command-and-control critique of Charles H. Harris III's and Louis R. 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Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Trinidad Gonzales </li> </ul> <em>These Ragged Edges: Histories of Violence along the U.S.-Mexico Border</em>. Edited by Andrew J. Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. 408. Notes, index, illustrations, graphs, maps, tables.) <p><em>These Ragged Edges: Histories of Violence along the U.S.-Mexico Border</em> edited by Andrew Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle provides a chronological overview of violence along what is today the U.S.-Mexico border from the early nineteenth century to the present. Most of the chapters focus on the Texas-Mexico border. All the chapters provide important insights that contribute to our understanding of the forces that shape border violence. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: These Ragged Edges:Andrew J. Torget 和 Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle 编著的《美墨边境暴力史》:美墨边境的暴力历史》。由 Andrew J. Torget 和 Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle 编辑。(教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2022 年。Pp.408.注释、索引、插图、图表、地图、表格)。These Ragged Edges:Andrew Torget 和 Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle 编著的《美墨边境暴力史》按时间顺序概述了从 19 世纪初至今的美墨边境暴力事件。大部分章节都以得克萨斯州和墨西哥边境为重点。所有章节都提供了重要的见解,有助于我们了解形成边境暴力的力量。该书唯一的缺陷是,一位作者通过不引用的方式将另一位学者的研究成果 "海洋化"。托尔盖特和古尔扎-拉瓦尔表示,他们出版这本文集的目的是提供一种结构性的理解,阐明造成边境暴力并使之长期存在的环境。他们将这些章节称为 "案例 "研究(第 6 页),应将其作为一个整体来看待,以找到暴力发生的 "演变条件"(第 9 页),而不是暴力是边境地区 "特有的自然现象"(第 9 页)的观点。这本文集分为四个部分。在 "牲畜、市场和枪支 "中,有三章重点阐述了薄弱的主权控制和美国的市场经济是如何助长牲畜盗窃和走私的。从美墨战争到内战后时期,由于国家对新划定的边界缺乏控制,科曼奇人和其他牲畜偷盗者得以实施跨境偷盗,并在任何一方都能找到免于起诉的庇护所。值得注意的是,华金-里瓦亚-马丁内斯(Joaquín Rivaya-Martínez)在第二章中拒绝了哈马莱宁的帝国欲望和迪雷对科曼奇人袭击的复仇解释。相反,他认为科曼奇人的袭击是经济机遇的结果。第二部分 "转型期的国家权力 "探讨了强人的崛起。有趣的是,爱丽丝-L-鲍姆加特纳(Alice L. Baumgartner)否定了米格尔-安赫尔-冈萨雷斯-奎罗加(Miguel Ángel González-Quiroga )的民族内部合作暴力论,将重点放在公民身份问题上,认为公民身份破坏了合作。J. Gabriel Martínez-Serna [尾页 358]在本节结尾指出,波菲里奥托并没有像传统理解的那样在其早期阶段垄断暴力。第三部分 "世纪之交的暴力 "以国家认可的暴力为中心。布兰登-摩根(Brandon Morgan)研究了 19 世纪末桑塔纳-佩雷斯(Santana Pérez)反对迪亚斯政权的叛乱活动,索尼娅-埃尔南德斯(Sonia Hernández)揭示了格雷戈里奥-科尔特斯(Gregorio Cortez)自卫杀害两名得克萨斯州警长后为其辩护的跨国政治联盟。威廉-D-卡里根(William D. Carrigan)和克莱夫-韦伯(Clive Webb)认为,要理解墨西哥裔私刑案件激增的原因,有两个因素。第一个和第二个因素是相同的:私刑执行人担心有人会在当局逮捕之前逃到墨西哥,也担心囚犯会在被捕后越狱。第三,语言障碍导致即决处决;第四,移民增加导致民族/种族紧张关系加剧。最后一部分 "毒品与移民 "讲述了 20 世纪末和 21 世纪边境和移民控制的加强。圣地亚哥-伊万-格拉(Santiago Ivan Guerra)追溯了毒品贸易从家庭垄断到国际犯罪组织垄断的转变,这一转变导致了更严重的暴力。伊莱恩-凯里(Elaine Carey)和何塞-卡洛斯-西斯内罗斯-古斯曼(José Carlos Cisneros Guzmán)就女性在毒品贸易中的存在提出了连续性论据,而亚历杭德拉-迪亚斯-德莱昂(Alejandra Díaz de León)则认为,执法力度的加强导致了移民死亡人数的上升,因为犯罪组织使他们成为受害者或不得不穿越更危险的路线。我对这本文集的一个批评是缺乏一个总结各种发现的结论。在各章研究结果的基础上,没有为学者们提供明确的史学方向。关于边缘化另一位学者的工作的问题,艾伦-奈特没有引用我对查尔斯-H-哈里斯三世(Charles H. Harris III)和路易斯-R-萨德勒(Louis R. Sadler)关于维努斯蒂亚诺-卡兰萨(Venustiano Carranza)精心策划圣地亚哥计划以获得美国承认的论点所做的指挥与控制批评......
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These Ragged Edges: Histories of Violence along the U.S.-Mexico Border ed. by Andrew J. Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • These Ragged Edges: Histories of Violence along the U.S.-Mexico Border ed. by Andrew J. Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
  • Trinidad Gonzales
These Ragged Edges: Histories of Violence along the U.S.-Mexico Border. Edited by Andrew J. Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. 408. Notes, index, illustrations, graphs, maps, tables.)

These Ragged Edges: Histories of Violence along the U.S.-Mexico Border edited by Andrew Torget and Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle provides a chronological overview of violence along what is today the U.S.-Mexico border from the early nineteenth century to the present. Most of the chapters focus on the Texas-Mexico border. All the chapters provide important insights that contribute to our understanding of the forces that shape border violence. The only defect of the book is that one author engaged in a marinization of another scholar's work through non-citation.

Torget and Gurza-Lavalle stated that the aim for their collection was to provide a structural understanding that illuminates circumstances that create and perpetuate violence on the border. They refer to the chapters as "case" studies (p. 6) that should be viewed collectively to find the "evolution of conditions" (p. 9) for why violence occurs, as opposed to the view that violence is "endemic and natural" (p. 9) to the border.

The collection is divided into four parts. In "Livestock, Markets, and Guns" three chapters focus on how weak sovereign control and the United States' market economy contributed to livestock theft and smuggling. From the U.S.-Mexico War to the post-Civil War period, the lack of state control over the newly created boundary allowed Comanches and other livestock rustlers to commit cross-border theft and find sanctuary from prosecution on either side. Of historiographic note is Joaquín Rivaya-Martínez's rejection of Hämäläinen's imperial desires and DeLay's vengeance explanation for Comanche raiding in Chapter 2. Instead, he argues Comanche raiding resulted from economic opportunity.

The second section, "State Power in Transition," examines the rise of strongmen. Interestingly, Alice L. Baumgartner rejects Miguel Ángel González-Quiroga's intra-ethnic cooperative violence thesis by focusing on the issue of citizenship as disrupting cooperation. J. Gabriel Martínez-Serna [End Page 358] ends this section noting the Porfiriato did not monopolize violence during its early phase, as traditionally understood.

The third section "Violence at the Turn of the Century," centers on state-sanctioned violence. Brandon Morgan examines the Santana Pérez insurgency against the Díaz regime during the late nineteenth century, and Sonia Hernández uncovers the transnational political alliance that rallied to Gregorio Cortez's defense after he killed two Texas sheriffs in self-defense. William D. Carrigan and Clive Webb argue for factors for understanding spikes in ethnic Mexican lynchings. The first and second factors are alike: vigilantes feared that persons might escape to Mexico before apprehension by authorities and that prisoners might escape jail after apprehension. Third, language barriers led to summary executions, and fourth, increased migration contributed to a rise in ethnic/racial tensions.

The final section, "Drugs and Migrants," follows the increase in border and immigration control in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Santiago Ivan Guerra traces the shift from family to international criminal organization monopolization of the drug trade that led to greater violence. Elaine Carey and José Carlos Cisneros Guzmán make a continuity argument for women's presences within the drug trade, while Alejandra Díaz de León argues that increased enforcement led to a rise of migrant deaths as result of criminal organizations victimizing them or having to cross more dangerous routes.

One criticism I have of the collection is the lack of a conclusion that sums up the various findings. No clear sense of the historiographic direction that scholars can build from is offered based on the chapter findings. Concerning the issue of marginalizing another scholar's work, Alan Knight failed to cite my command-and-control critique of Charles H. Harris III's and Louis R. Sadler's thesis that Venustiano Carranza orchestrated the Plan de San Diego to garner United States recognition...

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来源期刊
CiteScore
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期刊介绍: The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, continuously published since 1897, is the premier source of scholarly information about the history of Texas and the Southwest. The first 100 volumes of the Quarterly, more than 57,000 pages, are now available Online with searchable Tables of Contents.
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Emancipation Day to Juneteenth: The Origins of a Texas Celebration Building Houston's Petroleum Expertise: Humble Oil, Environmental Knowledge, and the Architecture of Industrial Research A Minority View: Reynell Parkins and Creative Tension in the Civil Rights Movement of Texas, 1965–1975 Southwestern Collection Indigenous Autonomy at La Junta de los Rios: Traders, Allies, and Migrants on New Spain's Northern Frontier by Robert Wright (review)
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