作为缺陷干预的相位:西切尔克斯语中的拥有者提取和选择性 DP 岛屿性

Syntax Pub Date : 2024-02-29 DOI:10.1111/synt.12275
Ksenia Ershova
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摘要

在西切尔克斯语中,占有者的Ā-提取以一种令人费解的方式受到限制:动名词或应用论据 DP 的占有者不得进行与分句相关的wh-移动,但跨越分句边界的长距离占有者提取是符合语法的。基于这些 DP 的可变岛屿性,本文主张采用基于同意的方法来处理相位。相位不透明被视为有缺陷的干预,相位介于探究和目标之间。如果相应的相位已经独立地与引发动作的探针建立了同意关系,那么缺陷介入就不会发生。因此,"岛屿性 "被正确地预测为是由语境决定的:在西切尔克斯语中,从句提取和长距离占有者提取之间的差异是由本地移动触发探针上的一系列同意特征决定的:在从句提取的情况下,C 上有一个 wh 特征;在长距离 wh 移动的情况下,嵌入 C 上有一个连续循环边缘特征。此外,该解释还利用了相位边缘的不透明性来解释显示孤岛效应的 DP(ergative DP 和应用论据 DP)与对子抽取一致透明的成分(绝对 DP 和后置短语)之间的对比。
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Phasehood as defective intervention: Possessor extraction and selective DP islandhood in West Circassian
Ā‐extraction of possessors in West Circassian is constrained in a puzzling way: the possessor of an ergative or applied argument DP may not undergo clausebound wh‐movement, but long‐distance possessor extraction across a clausal boundary is grammatical. Based on the variable islandhood of these DPs, this paper argues for an agree‐based approach to phasehood. Phase opacity is treated as intervention defective intervention, with the phase intervening between the probe and the goal. Defective intervention does not take place if the corresponding phase has independently entered an Agree relation with the movement‐triggering probe. Islandhood is thus correctly predicted to be contextually determined: in West Circassian, the difference between clausebound and long‐distance possessor extraction is conditioned by the set of agreement features on the local movement‐triggering probe: a wh‐feature on C in the case of clausebound extraction and a successive‐cyclic edge feature on embedded C in the case of long‐distance wh‐movement. Additionally, the account appeals to the opacity of phase edges to explain the contrast between DPs that display islandhood effects (ergative and applied argument DPs) and constituents that are uniformly transparent for subextraction (the absolutive DP and postpositional phrases).
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