泰语中如何实现单词重音:坐标化合物排序的证据

Noppakao Sirintranon, Feng-fan Hsieh
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摘要

本研究挑战了泰语缺乏词重音的普遍看法,证明了词重音在形态语音学中的关键作用。通过最大熵分析,我们研究了特定的音段属性如何在统计上影响说话者对坐标复合词中词序的选择。结果表明,语音权重对排序模式有显著影响。具体地说,对末尾位置的停顿韵母的偏好和对词尾长元音或低元音的偏好汇聚在一起,对语音重量进行了不同的分配,从而确保了根据重音-重量原则,末尾音节更重。此外,还观察到最后一个音节与(历史上的)高声调之间的边缘亲和性,这与有充分证据证明的声调与重音之间的相互作用相一致,即高声调倾向于重读音节。这些发现为泰语中单词重音的存在提供了令人信服的证据:正如连续列约束(Continuous Column Constraint)所规定的那样,复合重音必然与单词重音重合。因此,这项研究表明,仅仅依靠语音线索不足以识别重音;相反,必须结合 "语音指数 "进行综合分析,才能捕捉到重读音节中更大的语音对比。这项研究还有助于加深对韵律和节奏突出的理解,揭示出单词重音有时会被更高层次的突出所掩盖。
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How word stress is realized in Thai: evidence from the ordering of coordinate compounds
This study challenges the widespread belief that Thai lacks word stress, demonstrating its pivotal role in morphophonology. Through a Maximum Entropy analysis, we investigated how specific segmental properties statistically influence speakers’ choices of word order in coordinate compounds. Results indicate a significant effect of phonological weight on the ordering patterns. Specifically, the dispreference for stop codas in final positions and the preference for long or low vowels word-finally converge to differentially distribute phonological weight, ensuring that final syllables are heavier in accordance with the Stress-to-Weight Principle. Additionally, a marginal affinity is observed between the final syllable and the (historical) high-register tone, aligning with the well-documented tone-stress interaction where high tones gravitate towards stressed syllables. These findings provide compelling evidence for the existence of word stress in Thai: compound stress necessarily coincides with word stress, as dictated by the Continuous Column Constraint. Thus, this work suggests that relying solely on phonetic cues is insufficient for identifying stress; instead, a comprehensive analysis incorporating “phonological exponents” is essential to capture the greater phonological contrasts licensed in stressed syllables. This study also contributes to a deeper understanding of metrical and prosodic prominence, revealing that word stress can sometimes be masked by higher-level prominence.
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