The primary goal of this article is to take advantage of some recent theoretical innovations in syntactic theorizing to propose a novel characterization of some of the basic word-order types isolated by typological research. In the minimalist framework, a necessary condition for a derivation to converge is that the structure it generates should be appropriately labeled. This requirement in particular holds for the major syntactic structures displayed by the various linguistic types. It will be argued that labeling theory, combined with phase theory and the variable syntax of inflectional and discourse features, offers contrasting characterizations of these structures and, as such, provides a window on how exactly SVO, V1 and V2 grammatical systems differ: they differ precisely in the strategy that each type selects in order for neutral declarative root clauses to satisfy the labeling requirement. It will also be shown that the topic and focus structures involving phrasal movement to the periphery, although different parametric choices are made by the various grammatical systems considered here, basically conform to the same requirement.
{"title":"Labeling by type","authors":"Alain Rouveret","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2015","url":null,"abstract":"The primary goal of this article is to take advantage of some recent theoretical innovations in syntactic theorizing to propose a novel characterization of some of the basic word-order types isolated by typological research. In the minimalist framework, a necessary condition for a derivation to converge is that the structure it generates should be appropriately labeled. This requirement in particular holds for the major syntactic structures displayed by the various linguistic types. It will be argued that labeling theory, combined with phase theory and the variable syntax of inflectional and discourse features, offers contrasting characterizations of these structures and, as such, provides a window on how exactly SVO, V1 and V2 grammatical systems differ: they differ precisely in the strategy that each type selects in order for neutral declarative root clauses to satisfy the labeling requirement. It will also be shown that the topic and focus structures involving phrasal movement to the periphery, although different parametric choices are made by the various grammatical systems considered here, basically conform to the same requirement.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141936629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We explore the possibility of assuming largely flat syntactic structures in Simpler Syntax, suggesting that these are plausible alternatives to conventional hierarchical structures. We consider the implications of flat structure for analyses of various linguistic phenomena in English, including heavy NP shift, extraposition, topicalization and constituent order variation in the VP. We also sketch a general strategy to circumvent some of the problems flat structure is said to cause for semantic interpretation. Our proposals eliminate the need for movement, unpronounced copies and feature-bearing nodes postulated to trigger syntactic operations. We assume the Parallel Architecture and use declarative schemas to establish direct correspondences between phonology on the one hand and syntactic and semantic structures on the other. The resulting picture is one in which narrow syntax can be relatively stable across languages and constructions, largely reflecting the structure of human thought, and the main source of linguistic variation is the linearization of conceptual and syntactic structures. Unlike other minimalist theories that reach a similar conclusion, the theory we propose takes mappings to phonology to be central to the architecture of grammar.
{"title":"Flat structure: a minimalist program for syntax","authors":"Giuseppe Varaschin, Peter W. Culicover","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2016","url":null,"abstract":"We explore the possibility of assuming largely flat syntactic structures in Simpler Syntax, suggesting that these are plausible alternatives to conventional hierarchical structures. We consider the implications of flat structure for analyses of various linguistic phenomena in English, including heavy NP shift, extraposition, topicalization and constituent order variation in the VP. We also sketch a general strategy to circumvent some of the problems flat structure is said to cause for semantic interpretation. Our proposals eliminate the need for movement, unpronounced copies and feature-bearing nodes postulated to trigger syntactic operations. We assume the Parallel Architecture and use declarative schemas to establish direct correspondences between phonology on the one hand and syntactic and semantic structures on the other. The resulting picture is one in which narrow syntax can be relatively stable across languages and constructions, largely reflecting the structure of human thought, and the main source of linguistic variation is the linearization of conceptual and syntactic structures. Unlike other minimalist theories that reach a similar conclusion, the theory we propose takes mappings to phonology to be central to the architecture of grammar.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141737445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present study describes and analyzes the morphosyntactic expression of the Southern Zazaki Ezafe – a linking element in the nominal domain common among Iranian languages. This morpheme is used to link modifiers (i.e. adjectives and possessors) to their head nouns as follows: n-ez1 mod1-ez2 mod2-ez3 mod3. Southern Zazaki, like other languages of the Kurdish region (and unlike, e.g. Persian) reflects phi-features (and case) of the head noun on each Ezafe morpheme in a noun phrase. This paper is focussed around two morphosyntactic puzzles that arise in Southern Zazaki. First, while the Ezafe marker in general reflects the case of the entire DP, the presence of a possessor produces invariant oblique case, regardless of the case value assigned to the DP externally (Paul, Ludwig. 2009. Zazaki. In Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), The Iranian languages, 545–586. Routledge; Todd, Terry Lynn. 2002. A grammar of Dimili. Also known as Zaza. Stockholm: Iremet Forlag; Toosarvandani, Maziar & Coppe van Urk. 2014. The syntax of nominal concord: What Ezafe in Zazaki shows us. Proceedings of NELS 43(2). 209–220 i.a.). Second, Southern Zazaki uniquely employs a separate series of “D-form” Ezafe morphemes in certain syntactic contexts (Keskin, Mesut. 2010. Zazaca üzerine notlar (Notes on Zazaki). In Şükrü Aslan (ed.), Herkesin Bildiugi Sır: Dersim. Iletisim, 221–244; Paul, Ludwig. 2009. Zazaki. In Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), The Iranian languages, 545–586. Routledge; Todd, Terry Lynn. 2002. A grammar of Dimili. Also known as Zaza. Stockholm: Iremet Forlag; Werner, Brigitte. 2018. Forms and meanings of the Ezafe in Zazaki. In Saloumeh Gholami (ed.), Endangered Iranian languages. Reichert Verlag i.a.). This study aims to provide a cohesive analysis of Ezafe in Southern Zazaki both with respect to its general phi- and case-sensitive realizations, as well as the distribution of D-forms.
本研究描述并分析了南部扎扎基语 Ezafe 的形态句法表达--这是伊朗语言中常见的名词域连接语素。该语素用于将修饰语（即形容词和所有格）与其词头名词连接起来，如下所示：n-ez1 mod1-ez2 mod2-ez3 mod3。与库尔德地区的其他语言（如波斯语）一样，南扎扎基语在名词短语中的每个 Ezafe 词素上都反映了头名词的词性（和大小写）。本文主要围绕南扎崎语中出现的两个形态句法难题展开论述。首先，虽然 Ezafe 标记一般反映了整个 DP 的大小写，但无论外部赋予 DP 的大小写值如何，占有者的存在都会产生不变的偏正大小写（Paul, Ludwig.2009.Zazaki.见 Gernot Windfuhr（编），《伊朗语言》，545-586。Routledge; Todd, Terry Lynn.2002.迪米里语法。亦称扎扎语。斯德哥尔摩：Iremet Forlag; Toosarvandani, Maziar & Coppe van Urk.2014.名实一致的句法：Zazaki 中的 Ezafe 向我们展示了什么？NELS 43(2).209-220 i.a.）。其次，南扎崎语在某些句法语境中独特地使用了一系列独立的 "D-形式 "Ezafe语素（Keskin，Mesut.2010.Zazaca üzerine notlar（扎萨奇笔记）。In Şükrü Aslan (ed.), Herkesin Bildiugi Sır：Dersim.Iletisim, 221-244; Paul, Ludwig.2009.Zazaki.In Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), The Iranian languages, 545-586.Routledge; Todd, Terry Lynn.2002.迪米里语法。亦称扎扎语。斯德哥尔摩：Iremet Forlag; Werner, Brigitte.2018.扎扎语中 Ezafe 的形式和含义。In Saloumeh Gholami (ed.), Endangered Iranian languages.Reichert Verlag i.a.）。本研究旨在对扎扎基语南部的 Ezafe 进行连贯分析，包括其一般披音和大小写变音，以及 D 形的分布。
{"title":"The morphosyntax of Ezafe in Southern Zazaki","authors":"Songül Gündoğdu, Arsalan Kahnemuyipour, Sable Peters","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2013","url":null,"abstract":"The present study describes and analyzes the morphosyntactic expression of the Southern Zazaki Ezafe – a linking element in the nominal domain common among Iranian languages. This morpheme is used to link modifiers (i.e. adjectives and possessors) to their head nouns as follows: <jats:sc>n</jats:sc>-<jats:sc>ez</jats:sc>1 <jats:sc>mod</jats:sc>1-<jats:sc>ez</jats:sc>2 <jats:sc>mod</jats:sc>2-<jats:sc>ez</jats:sc>3 <jats:sc>mod</jats:sc>3. Southern Zazaki, like other languages of the Kurdish region (and unlike, e.g. Persian) reflects phi-features (and case) of the head noun on each Ezafe morpheme in a noun phrase. This paper is focussed around two morphosyntactic puzzles that arise in Southern Zazaki. First, while the Ezafe marker in general reflects the case of the entire DP, the presence of a possessor produces invariant oblique case, regardless of the case value assigned to the DP externally (Paul, Ludwig. 2009. Zazaki. In Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), <jats:italic>The Iranian languages</jats:italic>, 545–586. Routledge; Todd, Terry Lynn. 2002. <jats:italic>A grammar of Dimili. Also known as Zaza</jats:italic>. Stockholm: Iremet Forlag; Toosarvandani, Maziar & Coppe van Urk. 2014. The syntax of nominal concord: What Ezafe in Zazaki shows us. <jats:italic>Proceedings of NELS</jats:italic> 43(2). 209–220 <jats:italic>i.a.</jats:italic>). Second, Southern Zazaki uniquely employs a separate series of “D-form” Ezafe morphemes in certain syntactic contexts (Keskin, Mesut. 2010. Zazaca üzerine notlar (Notes on Zazaki). In Şükrü Aslan (ed.), <jats:italic>Herkesin Bildiugi Sır: Dersim</jats:italic>. Iletisim, 221–244; Paul, Ludwig. 2009. Zazaki. In Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), <jats:italic>The Iranian languages</jats:italic>, 545–586. Routledge; Todd, Terry Lynn. 2002. <jats:italic>A grammar of Dimili. Also known as Zaza</jats:italic>. Stockholm: Iremet Forlag; Werner, Brigitte. 2018. Forms and meanings of the Ezafe in Zazaki. In Saloumeh Gholami (ed.), <jats:italic>Endangered Iranian languages</jats:italic>. Reichert Verlag <jats:italic>i.a.</jats:italic>). This study aims to provide a cohesive analysis of Ezafe in Southern Zazaki both with respect to its general phi- and case-sensitive realizations, as well as the distribution of D-forms.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141737446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper I study Spanish sound emission verbs (sonar ‘to ring’) and degree achievements (enfriar ‘to cool’), which are intriguing insofar as they turn out to express gradable events, and argue that they are not gradable, although they can trigger quantity readings whereby there is a degree whose value changes throughout the event. Thus, my analysis aligns with other works on different languages (Japanese, German, Catalan and English) that have already pointed out that stativity is necessary to license gradability in certain syntactic constructions. However, my proposal goes a step forward insofar as it explicitly formulates that events cannot be gradable and explains in precise terms why gradability requires stativity. Assuming that activities are divisible into intervals and states into subintervals, I argue that gradability is only possible for the latter because it consists in measuring subintervals in intensity.
{"title":"Only states can be gradable","authors":"Zoltan Zato","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2009","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I study Spanish sound emission verbs (<jats:italic>sonar</jats:italic> ‘to ring’) and degree achievements (<jats:italic>enfriar</jats:italic> ‘to cool’), which are intriguing insofar as they turn out to express gradable events, and argue that they are not gradable, although they can trigger quantity readings whereby there is a degree whose value changes throughout the event. Thus, my analysis aligns with other works on different languages (Japanese, German, Catalan and English) that have already pointed out that stativity is necessary to license gradability in certain syntactic constructions. However, my proposal goes a step forward insofar as it explicitly formulates that events cannot be gradable and explains in precise terms why gradability requires stativity. Assuming that activities are divisible into intervals and states into subintervals, I argue that gradability is only possible for the latter because it consists in measuring subintervals in intensity.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140881741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper addresses how the negative particle no interacts with Spanish deverbal nominalizations that denote an event. Firstly, it is pointed out that, when preceded by negation, these nominalizations only give rise to the inhibited eventuality reading, contrary to what happens with verbs, which give rise to both the inhibited eventuality reading and the negated eventuality reading. Secondly, it is shown that, when these nominalizations co-occur with no, their lexical aspect is modified, as they share properties with events, but with states as well. Thirdly, a proposal of analysis for <no + event deverbal nominalization> is presented. We claim that both the interpretation and lexical aspect of this construction follow from the interaction of negation with the syntactic configuration of the nominalization and, specifically, with the projection responsible for the triggering of the eventuality.
本文探讨了否定语气词 "不 "如何与表示事件的西班牙语非动词性名词化相互作用。首先，本文指出，当前面有否定词时，这些名词化只会产生抑制性偶发读法，这与动词的情况相反，动词同时会产生抑制性偶发读法和否定性偶发读法。其次，研究表明，当这些名词化与 "不 "同时出现时，它们的词性会发生变化，因为它们不仅与事件有共同属性，而且与状态也有共同属性。第三，我们提出了一个关于 "no + 事件 "非动词名化的分析建议。我们认为，这种结构的解释和词性都来自否定与名词化句法配置的相互作用，特别是与负责触发事件的投射的相互作用。
{"title":"A syntactic analysis of in Spanish","authors":"Laura Ros García","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2010","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses how the negative particle <jats:italic>no</jats:italic> interacts with Spanish deverbal nominalizations that denote an event. Firstly, it is pointed out that, when preceded by negation, these nominalizations only give rise to the inhibited eventuality reading, contrary to what happens with verbs, which give rise to both the inhibited eventuality reading and the negated eventuality reading. Secondly, it is shown that, when these nominalizations co-occur with <jats:italic>no</jats:italic>, their lexical aspect is modified, as they share properties with events, but with states as well. Thirdly, a proposal of analysis for <<jats:italic>no</jats:italic> + event deverbal nominalization> is presented. We claim that both the interpretation and lexical aspect of this construction follow from the interaction of negation with the syntactic configuration of the nominalization and, specifically, with the projection responsible for the triggering of the eventuality.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140612940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article introduces an experimental study of glottal stops that are generated by h aspiré (H) in French (il [ʔ] hoche la tête). To date the phenomenon is merely mentioned in passing, and evidence only comes from native speaker intuitions and cursory personal observation. Participants pronounced verbs that either did (hocher) or did not (aimer) begin with an H, whereby the left context was controlled for: the preceding word could end in a vowel (tu hoches/aimes), in a consonant (il hoche/aime) or in a liaison consonant (LC nous hochons/aimons). Results confirm the observation made in the literature regarding the high variability of H: lexical (elision is much more frequent in j’harcèle than in j’hais), inter-speaker (some participants chose unelided je for 10 out of 12 H verbs, while others only for 4 H verbs) and intra-speaker (participants pronounced vous [z] hissez with liaison, while they chose je hisse in a multiple choice-based pretest). Results also confirmed that H is indeed a glottal stop creator: glottal stops occur much more often before H-initial than before V-initial words. The glottal stop rate also depended on the left context: while LC + H (nous hochons) and C + H (il hoche) are statistically indistinguishable, both are significantly distinct from V + H (tu hoches). This suggests that glottal stop insertion is sensitive to all types of preceding consonants, whether they are pronounced (C + H) or not (LC + H). This result is relevant in the debate on French liaison where it was claimed that (some) LCs are epenthetic, that is absent from phonological computation when unpronounced: this view is challenged by the experimental evidence. On the analytic side, the article argues that all glottal stops that occur stand in Strong Position, i.e. word-initially or after a consonant {#,C}__ (Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer. 2001. La Coda-Miroir. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 96. 107–152). The word-initial position is in fact domain-initial, and it is a long standing observation in the literature that H sets off its word into a separate domain. Thus even glottal stops in V + H (tu hoches) that appear to occur in intervocalic position may in fact be domain-initial V + [H]. The question then is what kind of domain could be responsible for the (rare) presence of glottal stops in V + V (tu aimes): such a domain V + [V] cannot stem from H, nor can it be of morpho-syntactic origin. It is argued
文章介绍了对法语中由 h aspiré（H）产生的喉塞音（il [ʔ] hoche la tête）的实验研究。迄今为止，这一现象只是被顺带提及，证据也只是来自母语使用者的直觉和粗略的个人观察。受试者发音的动词有的以 H 开头（hocher），有的则不以 H 开头（aimer），左侧语境受到控制：前一个词可能以元音结尾（tu hoches/aimes），也可能以辅音结尾（il hoche/aime）或以连读辅音结尾（LC nous hochons/imons）。结果证实了文献中关于 "H "的高变异性的观察：词性（"j'harcèle "中的省音比 "j'hais "中的省音要频繁得多）、不同说话者之间（在 12 个 "H "动词中，有些受试者有 10 个选择了无省音的 "je"，而另一些受试者只有 4 个选择了 "H "动词）和说话者内部（受试者用连读发音 vous [z] hissez，而他们在多选预试中选择了 "je hisse"）。结果还证实，H 确实是喉塞音的创造者：喉塞音在 H-itial 词前出现的频率比在 V-itial 词前出现的频率高得多。喉塞音发生率还取决于左侧语境：虽然 LC + H（nous hochons）和 C + H（il hoche）在统计上没有区别，但两者都明显不同于 V + H（tu hoches）。这表明喉塞音插入对所有类型的前辅音都很敏感，无论它们是否发音（C + H）（LC + H）。这一结果与关于法语联络音的争论有关，在争论中，有人声称（某些）联络音是表音的，即在未发音时不存在于语音计算中：这一观点受到了实验证据的质疑。在分析方面，文章认为所有出现的喉塞音都处于强位置，即词首或辅音 {#,C}__ 之后（Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer.2001.La Coda-Miroir.Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 96.107-152).词的首位置实际上是域的首位置，文献中的一个长期观察结果是，H 将其单词置于一个单独的域中。因此，即使是 V + H 的喉塞音（tu hoches）看似出现在声间位置，实际上也可能是域首 V + [H]。那么问题来了，什么样的语域会导致 V + V（tu aimes）中出现（罕见的）喉塞音：这样的语域 V + [V] 不可能源于 H，也不可能源于形态句法。有观点认为，这些语域是瓦格纳（2012）意义上的生产规划语域。语音学和生产规划中的定位。麦吉尔语言学工作文件 22.1-18 and following）。
{"title":"Glottal stop insertion and production planning domains in French","authors":"Tobias Scheer","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2011","url":null,"abstract":"The article introduces an experimental study of glottal stops that are generated by h aspiré (H) in French (<jats:italic>il [ʔ] hoche la tête</jats:italic>). To date the phenomenon is merely mentioned in passing, and evidence only comes from native speaker intuitions and cursory personal observation. Participants pronounced verbs that either did (<jats:italic>hocher</jats:italic>) or did not (<jats:italic>aimer</jats:italic>) begin with an H, whereby the left context was controlled for: the preceding word could end in a vowel (<jats:italic>tu hoches</jats:italic>/<jats:italic>aimes</jats:italic>), in a consonant (<jats:italic>il hoche</jats:italic>/<jats:italic>aime</jats:italic>) or in a liaison consonant (LC <jats:italic>nous hochons</jats:italic>/<jats:italic>aimons</jats:italic>). Results confirm the observation made in the literature regarding the high variability of H: lexical (elision is much more frequent in <jats:italic>j’harcèle</jats:italic> than in <jats:italic>j’hais</jats:italic>), inter-speaker (some participants chose unelided <jats:italic>je</jats:italic> for 10 out of 12 H verbs, while others only for 4 H verbs) and intra-speaker (participants pronounced <jats:italic>vous [z] hissez</jats:italic> with liaison, while they chose <jats:italic>je hisse</jats:italic> in a multiple choice-based pretest). Results also confirmed that H is indeed a glottal stop creator: glottal stops occur much more often before H-initial than before V-initial words. The glottal stop rate also depended on the left context: while LC + H (<jats:italic>nous hochons</jats:italic>) and C + H (<jats:italic>il hoche</jats:italic>) are statistically indistinguishable, both are significantly distinct from V + H (<jats:italic>tu hoches</jats:italic>). This suggests that glottal stop insertion is sensitive to all types of preceding consonants, whether they are pronounced (C + H) or not (LC + H). This result is relevant in the debate on French liaison where it was claimed that (some) LCs are epenthetic, that is absent from phonological computation when unpronounced: this view is challenged by the experimental evidence. On the analytic side, the article argues that all glottal stops that occur stand in Strong Position, i.e. word-initially or after a consonant {#,C}__ (Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer. 2001. La Coda-Miroir. <jats:italic>Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris</jats:italic> 96. 107–152). The word-initial position is in fact domain-initial, and it is a long standing observation in the literature that H sets off its word into a separate domain. Thus even glottal stops in V + H (<jats:italic>tu hoches</jats:italic>) that appear to occur in intervocalic position may in fact be domain-initial V + [H]. The question then is what kind of domain could be responsible for the (rare) presence of glottal stops in V + V (<jats:italic>tu aimes</jats:italic>): such a domain V + [V] cannot stem from H, nor can it be of morpho-syntactic origin. It is argued","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"84 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140577081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study challenges the widespread belief that Thai lacks word stress, demonstrating its pivotal role in morphophonology. Through a Maximum Entropy analysis, we investigated how specific segmental properties statistically influence speakers’ choices of word order in coordinate compounds. Results indicate a significant effect of phonological weight on the ordering patterns. Specifically, the dispreference for stop codas in final positions and the preference for long or low vowels word-finally converge to differentially distribute phonological weight, ensuring that final syllables are heavier in accordance with the Stress-to-Weight Principle. Additionally, a marginal affinity is observed between the final syllable and the (historical) high-register tone, aligning with the well-documented tone-stress interaction where high tones gravitate towards stressed syllables. These findings provide compelling evidence for the existence of word stress in Thai: compound stress necessarily coincides with word stress, as dictated by the Continuous Column Constraint. Thus, this work suggests that relying solely on phonetic cues is insufficient for identifying stress; instead, a comprehensive analysis incorporating “phonological exponents” is essential to capture the greater phonological contrasts licensed in stressed syllables. This study also contributes to a deeper understanding of metrical and prosodic prominence, revealing that word stress can sometimes be masked by higher-level prominence.
{"title":"How word stress is realized in Thai: evidence from the ordering of coordinate compounds","authors":"Noppakao Sirintranon, Feng-fan Hsieh","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2008","url":null,"abstract":"This study challenges the widespread belief that Thai lacks word stress, demonstrating its pivotal role in morphophonology. Through a Maximum Entropy analysis, we investigated how specific segmental properties statistically influence speakers’ choices of word order in coordinate compounds. Results indicate a significant effect of phonological weight on the ordering patterns. Specifically, the dispreference for stop codas in final positions and the preference for long or low vowels word-finally converge to differentially distribute phonological weight, ensuring that final syllables are heavier in accordance with the Stress-to-Weight Principle. Additionally, a marginal affinity is observed between the final syllable and the (historical) high-register tone, aligning with the well-documented tone-stress interaction where high tones gravitate towards stressed syllables. These findings provide compelling evidence for the existence of word stress in Thai: compound stress necessarily coincides with word stress, as dictated by the Continuous Column Constraint. Thus, this work suggests that relying solely on phonetic cues is insufficient for identifying stress; instead, a comprehensive analysis incorporating “phonological exponents” is essential to capture the greater phonological contrasts licensed in stressed syllables. This study also contributes to a deeper understanding of metrical and prosodic prominence, revealing that word stress can sometimes be masked by higher-level prominence.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"90 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140577150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By examining local subject A’-movement, the paper argues for a split IP and a contextual approach to the EPP where its locus is not a fixed, unique position, but varies depending on the syntactic context. The landing site of subject wh-movement ( who left) is argued to be lower than non-subject wh-movement ( who did he leave) but higher than regular subjects ( Amy left). Quirky subjects are argued to be lower than agreeing subjects, with a generalization proposed regarding their availability. The overall account is extended to many cases, including V-2 in Germanic, subject-restricted relativizations, only-subjects, Defaka focus-movement, Hong Kong Sign Language wh-movement, imperative and CP subjects, locative inversion, Singlish non-agreeing subjects, Japanese and Chinese subjects. Regarding the EPP, the paper argues for a contextual approach where, on a par with a contextual approach to phases, there is an EPP domain, with the highest projection in the EPP domain being the locus of the EPP (on a par with the highest projection in a phasal domain being a phase). This conception of the EPP is put into a broader perspective regarding a more general move toward contextuality in syntax.
通过对局部主语 A'-移动的研究，本文主张对 EPP 采用分裂的 IP 和语境方法，即 EPP 的位置不是一个固定的、唯一的位置，而是根据句法语境的不同而变化。主语wh-movement（who left）的落脚点被认为低于非主语wh-movement（who did he leave），但高于常规主语（Amy left）。奇怪的主语被认为比同意的主语低，并就其可用性提出了一个概括。本文将整体论述扩展到许多情况，包括日耳曼语中的 V-2、主语受限的相对化、唯一主语、Defaka 的焦点移动、香港手语的wh-movement、祈使句和 CP 主语、定位倒置、新加坡英语中的非同意主语、日语和汉语主语。关于 EPP，本文主张采用一种语境方法，即与相位的语境方法一样，存在一个 EPP 域，EPP 域中的最高投影是 EPP 的位置（与相位域中的最高投影是相位一样）。EPP 的这一概念可以从更广阔的视角来看待句法中更普遍的语境性。
{"title":"On wh and subject positions, the EPP, and contextuality of syntax","authors":"Ž. Bošković","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 By examining local subject A’-movement, the paper argues for a split IP and a contextual approach to the EPP where its locus is not a fixed, unique position, but varies depending on the syntactic context. The landing site of subject wh-movement (\u0000 who\u0000 \u0000 left) is argued to be lower than non-subject wh-movement (\u0000 who\u0000 \u0000 did he leave) but higher than regular subjects (\u0000 Amy\u0000 \u0000 left). Quirky subjects are argued to be lower than agreeing subjects, with a generalization proposed regarding their availability. The overall account is extended to many cases, including V-2 in Germanic, subject-restricted relativizations, only-subjects, Defaka focus-movement, Hong Kong Sign Language wh-movement, imperative and CP subjects, locative inversion, Singlish non-agreeing subjects, Japanese and Chinese subjects. Regarding the EPP, the paper argues for a contextual approach where, on a par with a contextual approach to phases, there is an EPP domain, with the highest projection in the EPP domain being the locus of the EPP (on a par with the highest projection in a phasal domain being a phase). This conception of the EPP is put into a broader perspective regarding a more general move toward contextuality in syntax.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139683138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines free object order alternation in ditransitives, focusing on Slovenian. It is shown that neither a scrambling nor a base generation analysis is fully satisfactory. A new analysis based on the Labeling Algorithm is proposed, where it is argued that the introduction of a second object creates an ambiguous labeling scenario ({NP,VP}), which has two equivalent resolutions: (i) movement of the VP with the first object inside, or (ii) movement of the second object. This is shown to derive both free object order in the general case and the restrictions on object order in select contexts, as due to the specifics of the VP-movement analysis it is possible for selectional restrictions to filter out either derivation (i) or (ii).
{"title":"The third way: object reordering as ambiguous labeling resolution","authors":"Adrian Stegovec","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2007","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines free object order alternation in ditransitives, focusing on Slovenian. It is shown that neither a scrambling nor a base generation analysis is fully satisfactory. A new analysis based on the <jats:italic>Labeling Algorithm</jats:italic> is proposed, where it is argued that the introduction of a second object creates an ambiguous labeling scenario ({NP,VP}), which has two equivalent resolutions: (i) movement of the VP with the first object inside, or (ii) movement of the second object. This is shown to derive both free object order in the general case and the restrictions on object order in select contexts, as due to the specifics of the VP-movement analysis it is possible for selectional restrictions to filter out either derivation (i) or (ii).","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"337 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139585948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper proposes a general multi-dimensional derivation model under a free-MERGE system. MERGE indicates the derivational dimensions that participate the computation. Set-MERGE is considered as an operation that keeps the two merge-mates in the same dimension, and Pair-MERGE sends the two merge-mates to two different dimensions. Each dimension has its own Labeling Algorithm (LA); the LA inside one dimension ignores syntactic objects merged from other dimensions. The resulting multi-dimensional structure will then be transferred to the Conceptual-Intentional (C-I) interface. A syntactic object resulted from Pair-MERGE will be interpreted in terms of coordination relation or modification relation. Different possible labelings in a multi-dimensional structure gives rise to different modification possibilities at C-I. C-I can see the competition of different labels, and will exhaust every possibility to decide which labeling gives rise to an appropriate interpretation.
{"title":"A multi-dimensional derivation model under the free-MERGE system: labor division between syntax and the C-I interface","authors":"Victor Junnan Pan, Yuqiao Du","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper proposes a general multi-dimensional derivation model under a free-MERGE system. MERGE indicates the derivational dimensions that participate the computation. Set-MERGE is considered as an operation that keeps the two merge-mates in the same dimension, and Pair-MERGE sends the two merge-mates to two different dimensions. Each dimension has its own Labeling Algorithm (LA); the LA inside one dimension ignores syntactic objects merged from other dimensions. The resulting multi-dimensional structure will then be transferred to the Conceptual-Intentional (C-I) interface. A syntactic object resulted from Pair-MERGE will be interpreted in terms of coordination relation or modification relation. Different possible labelings in a multi-dimensional structure gives rise to different modification possibilities at C-I. C-I can see the competition of different labels, and will exhaust every possibility to decide which labeling gives rise to an appropriate interpretation.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139515719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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