南北战争时期和今天的保守激进派和激进保守派

Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI:10.1353/soh.2024.a925436
Joseph P. Reidy
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引用次数: 0

摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 内战时期和今天的保守激进派和激进保守派 约瑟夫-P.-雷伊迪(简历 当前的事件表明,保守派的影响几乎遍及生活的方方面面,从宗教和大众文化到公共政策辩论,从全球变暖到学校图书馆书籍,不一而足。与小威廉-巴克利(William F. Buckley Jr.)相比,今天的保守派似乎更喜欢 "誓言守护者"(Oath Keepers)的思想和策略,但这并不奇怪,因为保守主义从来都不是铁板一块或一成不变的。然而,在过去的六十年里,知识界和政治界的保守主义者一直以前人留下的公认智慧以及政治、经济和社会秩序的守护者自居。他们大多信奉基督教,拥护传统的、源于圣经的价值观,尤其是有关核心家庭、个人自由与个人责任以及私有财产的价值观。虽然过去的保守派一般都拥有优越的甚至是富裕的背景,但近年来,各种追求美国梦的人--包括有志于成为专业人士和企业家的中产阶级、在经济、社会或文化上被边缘化的工人阶级成员以及新移民--都贴上了保守派的标签。由此产生的混合体具有阶级、民族、种族和宗教多样性的特点。今天的保守派也同样认为,现代世界最严重的弊病是进步倡议的结果,这些倡议除了在纲领上存在缺陷外,还表现出一种道德和文化相对主义,蔑视西方文明的成就和美国在各国历史上所占据的独特地位。保守派指控说,自由派及其进步盟友通过倡导身份政治领域的个人权利--例如同性婚姻和变性人权利--威胁到了基督教的基本价值观,甚至威胁到了人类本身的 [完 215 页] 未来。同样,保守派认为,自由派最近反对军队、警察和第二修正案权利的运动,加上他们对犯罪的宽容,破坏了社会秩序。在保守派看来,监管和行政国家对私有财产的限制危及公民个人的自由。最重要的是,保守派指责社会福利计划--新政和 "伟大社会 "的遗产--加速了国家走向破产,同时奖励了不值得的人。他们担心,如果任其发展下去,这些举措最终将演变成旨在弥补过去社会不公的再分配主义做法,其中最典型的例子就是对奴隶制的赔偿。一言以蔽之,保守派坚持认为,自由派的改革从根本上背离了国父宪法的文字和精神,背离了从建国之初就一直指引着这个国家的基本价值观。保守派与进步派之间的冲突并不新鲜。在南北战争时期,自称保守派的人士(其中大部分与民主党结盟)与激进的共和党人在意识形态和政治上针锋相对。1 在奴隶制未来问题上无法解决的分歧导致了战争,战争又导致了解放。废除人类财产需要重新定义美国公民身份的参数,美国宪法第十三、第十四和第十五修正案实现了这一目标,解放了被奴役者,宣布所有非裔美国人天生就是公民,并赋予黑人投票权。但是,主张昔日财产的完整人性具有更广泛的意义,关于个人与社会关系的长期争论有助于解释这一点。例如,约翰-洛克(John Locke)的著名论断,即人们组建政府是为了 "共同维护他们的生命、自由和财产",而这种契约 "最大和最主要的目的 "就是 "维护他们的财产"。托马斯-杰斐逊在《独立宣言》中宣称,上帝赋予人类 "某些不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权利",这三部曲被牢牢地固定在建国词汇中,同时也强调了幸福与财产之间的密切关系。在新国家成立后不久,詹姆斯-麦迪逊(James Madison)扩展了这一话题,提出 "要想获得或配得上英明公正的政府应有的充分赞誉",美国最好 "同样尊重财产权和权利中的财产权",这些权利是公民凭借..................
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Conservative Radicals and Radical Conservatives in the Civil War Era and Today
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Conservative Radicals and Radical Conservatives in the Civil War Era and Today
  • Joseph P. Reidy (bio)

Current events reveal the pervasiveness of conservative influence in virtually every facet of life, from religion and popular culture through public policy debates on topics ranging from global warming to school library books. If today’s conservatives may appear more comfortable with the ideas and tactics of Oath Keepers than of William F. Buckley Jr., it should come as no surprise because conservatism has never been monolithic or static. Yet, for the past six decades, intellectual and political conservatives have presented themselves as the custodians of the received wisdom, as well as the political, economic, and social order, bequeathed from prior generations. Most profess Christianity and champion traditional, biblically derived values—particularly those pertaining to the nuclear family—personal freedom coupled with individual responsibility, and private property. Although conservatives of the past generally boasted privileged, if not downright wealthy, backgrounds, in recent years various pursuers of the American Dream—including aspirants to the professional and entrepreneurial middle class, the economically, socially, or culturally marginalized members of the working class, and recent immigrants—have assumed the label of conservative. The resulting mixture features class, ethnic, racial, and religious diversity.

Today’s conservatives also share the belief that the modern world’s most serious ills are the result of progressive initiatives that, apart from their programmatic flaws, display a moral and cultural relativism that flouts the achievements of Western civilization and the unique place that the United States occupies in the history of nations. By advocating for personal rights in the realm of identity politics—same-sex marriage and transgender rights, for instance—liberals and their progressive allies, conservatives charge, threaten fundamental Christian values if not the [End Page 215] future of humanity itself. Similarly, conservatives argue, liberals’ recent campaigns against the military, the police, and Second Amendment rights, coupled with their leniency toward crime, undermine social order. And, in conservatives’ view, the restrictions that the regulatory, administrative state has imposed on private property imperil the freedoms of individual citizens. Most of all, conservatives fault social welfare programs—the legacy of the New Deal and the Great Society—for speeding the nation toward bankruptcy while rewarding the undeserving. If left unchecked, they fear, such initiatives will culminate in redistributionist practices designed to atone for social injustice perpetrated in the past, the prime exhibit of which is reparations for slavery. In a word, conservatives insist that liberal-minded reform departs fundamentally from the letter and the spirit of the Founders’ Constitution and from the underlying values that have guided the nation from its inception.

The clash between conservatives and progressives is not new. During the Civil War era, self-proclaimed conservatives, most of whom were aligned with the Democratic Party, locked ideological and political horns with Radical Republicans.1 Unresolvable differences over the future of slavery led to war, which in turn led to emancipation. Abolishing property in humans required redefining the parameters of American citizenship, which the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution accomplished, freeing the enslaved, declaring all African Americans citizens by birthright, and granting Black men the vote. But asserting the full humanity of erst-while property had even broader implications, which long-running debates over the relationship between the individual and society help explain. Take, for example, John Locke’s famous assertion that men form governments “for the mutual preservation of their Lives, Liberties and Estates,” and that “[t]he great and chief end” of such compacts “is the preservation of their Property.” In the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson claimed that God had bequeathed to mankind “certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness,” firmly fixing this trilogy in the nation’s founding vocabulary while at the same time highlighting the affinity between happiness and property. Soon after the new nation was established, [End Page 216] James Madison expanded the conversation, proposing that “to obtain or deserve the full praise due to wise and just governments” the United States would be well advised to “equally respect the rights of property, and the property in rights” that citizens enjoyed by virtue of...

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