{"title":"抵制统一的相对句","authors":"Tong Wu, Haiping Long","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2024.12","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"\n Cinque (2020) presents a unified theory positing that various types of relative clauses (RCs) originate from a single, double-headed universal structure via raising or matching. The Frame Noun-Modifying Clause (FRC) as described and analyzed by Matsumoto et al. (2017a, 2017b) presents a significant challenge to Cinque's framework, as it does not conform to any of Cinque's identified RC types, which include amount RCs, kind(-defining) RCs, restrictive RCs and non-restrictive RCs. The FRC eludes derivation via the proposed matching or raising mechanisms. Determining the semantic link between the head noun and the FRC, as well as its external merger position, remains elusive. One might suggest that inserting additional material into the FRC, which incorporates a plausible internal head, could clarify their connection. This approach falls short of providing a systematic and coherent syntactic criterion, relying instead on semantic intuition that lacks operational reliability.","PeriodicalId":513226,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique","volume":"113 33","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The relative clause resisting unification\",\"authors\":\"Tong Wu, Haiping Long\",\"doi\":\"10.1017/cnj.2024.12\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"\\n Cinque (2020) presents a unified theory positing that various types of relative clauses (RCs) originate from a single, double-headed universal structure via raising or matching. The Frame Noun-Modifying Clause (FRC) as described and analyzed by Matsumoto et al. (2017a, 2017b) presents a significant challenge to Cinque's framework, as it does not conform to any of Cinque's identified RC types, which include amount RCs, kind(-defining) RCs, restrictive RCs and non-restrictive RCs. The FRC eludes derivation via the proposed matching or raising mechanisms. Determining the semantic link between the head noun and the FRC, as well as its external merger position, remains elusive. One might suggest that inserting additional material into the FRC, which incorporates a plausible internal head, could clarify their connection. This approach falls short of providing a systematic and coherent syntactic criterion, relying instead on semantic intuition that lacks operational reliability.\",\"PeriodicalId\":513226,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique\",\"volume\":\"113 33\",\"pages\":\"\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2024-05-13\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2024.12\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2024.12","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
Cinque(2020)提出了一个统一的理论,认为各种类型的相对从句(RC)通过提升或匹配的方式源自一个单一的双头通用结构。松本等人(2017a,2017b)所描述和分析的框架名词修饰语(FRC)对 Cinque 的框架提出了重大挑战,因为它不符合 Cinque 所确定的任何 RC 类型,其中包括数量 RC、种类(定义)RC、限制性 RC 和非限制性 RC。FRC 无法通过建议的匹配或提升机制进行推导。确定头部名词和 FRC 之间的语义联系及其外部合并位置仍是一个难题。有人可能会认为,在 FRC 中插入额外的材料(其中包含一个似是而非的内部词头)可以澄清它们之间的联系。这种方法并不能提供一个系统而连贯的句法标准,而是依赖于缺乏操作可靠性的语义直觉。
Cinque (2020) presents a unified theory positing that various types of relative clauses (RCs) originate from a single, double-headed universal structure via raising or matching. The Frame Noun-Modifying Clause (FRC) as described and analyzed by Matsumoto et al. (2017a, 2017b) presents a significant challenge to Cinque's framework, as it does not conform to any of Cinque's identified RC types, which include amount RCs, kind(-defining) RCs, restrictive RCs and non-restrictive RCs. The FRC eludes derivation via the proposed matching or raising mechanisms. Determining the semantic link between the head noun and the FRC, as well as its external merger position, remains elusive. One might suggest that inserting additional material into the FRC, which incorporates a plausible internal head, could clarify their connection. This approach falls short of providing a systematic and coherent syntactic criterion, relying instead on semantic intuition that lacks operational reliability.