自由运动失落的遗产:解放后的黑人废奴主义》,作者 Keith P. Griffler(评论)

IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI:10.1353/soh.2024.a932589
Augustus Wood
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After decades of writing on the antebellum period, Griffler shifts his focus to the postemancipation era, when European powers sought new markets, new laws, and new forms of coerced labor to exploit after the fall of chattel slavery. In <em>The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy: Black Abolitionism Since Emancipation</em>, Griffler crafts an intellectual history that “traces the contested and evolving definition of slavery in the twentieth century” through the voices of Black intellectuals and prominent Black activists (p. 13). After European colonists carved up the African continent in the 1880s, colonial officials, in partnership with nineteenth-century abolitionists—who had abandoned their positions on the immorality of coerced labor in favor of new labor policies in Africa—devised a new articulation of <em>antislavery</em> that entrenched race into international labor law. <strong>[End Page 637]</strong></p> <p>Griffler recounts how Black leaders like Alice Victoria Kinloch, Ida B. 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Notable African revolutionaries and scholars like Steve Biko and Amílcar Cabral are absent from the narrative, while Kwame Nkrumah is mentioned in passing. All three, who wrote extensively or played vital roles in the fight against racial exploitation in African nations, would add a much more dynamic dimension to the so-called guerrilla intellectuals that scholars such as Walter Rodney emphasize. Indeed, intellectual histories like <em>The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy</em> are valuable, but they can wield greater force with more attention to how debates, policies, and literature impacted or elicited resistance by those most affected.</p> <p>Griffler’s most refreshing contribution, however, is his challenge to the broad association in the intellectual and public sphere of antislavery with combating rather than abetting racial oppression. Griffler successfully demonstrates that profit ravages morality on the global hegemonic scale. 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以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 自由运动失落的遗产:解放后的黑人废奴主义》,作者 Keith P. Griffler Augustus Wood 《自由运动失落的遗产:解放后的黑人废奴主义》,作者 Keith P. Griffler。作者:Keith P. Griffler。(莱克星顿:肯塔基大学出版社,2023 年。第 x 页,第 292 页。40.00美元,书号978-0-8131-9728-9)。历史学家基思-格里夫勒(Keith P. Griffler)在其职业生涯的大部分时间里都在挑战反奴隶制运动的学术研究,他展示了在争取解放的斗争中往往没有得到充分代表的黑人的声音。在撰写了数十年有关前贝鲁姆时期的文章后,格里夫勒将重点转向解放后的时代,当时欧洲列强在动产奴隶制衰落后寻求新的市场、新的法律和新形式的强迫劳动来进行剥削。在《自由运动失落的遗产:解放后的黑人废奴主义》一书中,格里夫勒通过黑人知识分子和著名黑人活动家的声音,精心撰写了一部思想史,"追溯了二十世纪奴隶制定义的争议和演变"(第 13 页)。19 世纪 80 年代,欧洲殖民者瓜分了非洲大陆,殖民地官员与 19 世纪的废奴主义者--他们放弃了关于强迫劳动不道德的立场,转而支持非洲的新劳工政策--合作,制定了新的反奴隶制表述,将种族问题纳入国际劳工法。[格里夫勒讲述了爱丽丝-维多利亚-金洛克、艾达-B-威尔斯和 W-E-B-杜波依斯等黑人领袖如何反对这种对黑人工人的背叛,而弗雷德里克-卢加德等所谓的反奴隶制领袖则制定了"'放任自由'政策 "等名称模糊的战略,将非洲奴隶的余生困在债务奴役中,并在可预见的未来将种族剥削具体化为全球政治经济(第 84 页)。由于格里夫勒承认道格拉斯-A-布莱克蒙的《另名奴隶制》(Slavery by Another Name:The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II》(纽约,2008 年)是关于美国 "新奴隶制 "事件的决定性叙述,因此格里夫勒选择将其大部分分析集中在废奴主义反对非洲殖民主义的国际斗争上(第 viii 页)。这一重点对格里夫勒来说是一个独特的挑战,尽管他在书中花了很大篇幅讨论非洲的新奴隶制,但他关注的主要是美国黑人知识分子的工作。史蒂夫-比科(Steve Biko)和阿米尔卡-卡布拉尔(Amílcar Cabral)等著名的非洲革命家和学者没有出现在书中,而夸梅-恩克鲁玛(Kwame Nkrumah)也只是被顺带提及。这三位在非洲国家反对种族剥削的斗争中著述颇丰或发挥了重要作用,他们将为沃尔特-罗德尼等学者所强调的所谓知识分子游击队增添更多活力。的确,像《自由运动失落的遗产》这样的知识分子史很有价值,但如果能更多地关注辩论、政策和文学作品如何影响或引发最受影响者的反抗,它们就能发挥更大的力量。不过,格里夫勒最令人耳目一新的贡献在于,他对知识界和公共领域将反奴隶制与反对种族压迫而非教唆种族压迫广泛联系起来的做法提出了挑战。格里夫勒成功地证明,在全球霸权范围内,利益蹂躏着道德。昔日的反奴隶制领袖们很快就成为了将强制劳动种族化的最大拥护者,希望以此来维持非洲和美国胴体国家的自由劳动力人口。殖民主义及其后继者--新殖民主义--是名副其实的奴隶制,由于所谓的反奴隶制倡导者的努力,它们成为自由和合法的范例。格里夫勒将这一分析置于他所认识到的二十一世纪废奴运动中存在的明显疏漏的背景之下。这里出现了两个问题。首先,尽管他在当前废奴斗争中缺乏思想和历史联系的观点是正确的,但他没有考虑到资本主义的作用,因此也没有考虑到新自由主义在当今内部新殖民主义种族化劳工扩张中的作用。正如米歇尔-亚历山大(Michelle Alexander)的《新吉姆乌鸦》(The New Jim Crow:肤色失明时代的大规模监禁》(纽约,2010 年)的问题一样,格里夫勒没有将大规模监禁视为解决新的社会积累结构问题的政治方案--而这正是殖民主义和新殖民主义之间转变的根本原因。尽管如此,《自由运动失落的遗产》通过揭露所谓的反奴隶制,有效地将普遍单一的反奴隶制观点复杂化。
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The Freedom Movement's Lost Legacy: Black Abolitionism Since Emancipation by Keith P. Griffler (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy: Black Abolitionism Since Emancipation by Keith P. Griffler
  • Augustus Wood
The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy: Black Abolitionism Since Emancipation. By Keith P. Griffler. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2023. Pp. x, 292. $40.00, ISBN 978-0-8131-9728-9.)

For much of his career, historian Keith P. Griffler has challenged scholarship on the antislavery movement by showcasing often underrepresented Black voices in the struggle for emancipation. After decades of writing on the antebellum period, Griffler shifts his focus to the postemancipation era, when European powers sought new markets, new laws, and new forms of coerced labor to exploit after the fall of chattel slavery. In The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy: Black Abolitionism Since Emancipation, Griffler crafts an intellectual history that “traces the contested and evolving definition of slavery in the twentieth century” through the voices of Black intellectuals and prominent Black activists (p. 13). After European colonists carved up the African continent in the 1880s, colonial officials, in partnership with nineteenth-century abolitionists—who had abandoned their positions on the immorality of coerced labor in favor of new labor policies in Africa—devised a new articulation of antislavery that entrenched race into international labor law. [End Page 637]

Griffler recounts how Black leaders like Alice Victoria Kinloch, Ida B. Wells, and W. E. B. Du Bois campaigned against this betrayal of Black workers, as so-called antislavery leaders like Frederick Lugard developed ambiguously named strategies like “the policy of ‘permissive freedom’” to trap African slaves into debt peonage for the remainder of their lives and concretize racial exploitation into the global political economy for the foreseeable future (p. 84). Because Griffler recognizes Douglas A. Blackmon’s Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II (New York, 2008) as the defining narrative on the American episode of “new slavery,” Griffler chooses to focus much of his analysis on the international struggle of abolitionism against African colonialism (p. viii). This focus is a unique challenge for Griffler, who follows the work of mostly U.S.-based Black intellectuals despite dedicating a significant portion of the book to new slavery in Africa. Notable African revolutionaries and scholars like Steve Biko and Amílcar Cabral are absent from the narrative, while Kwame Nkrumah is mentioned in passing. All three, who wrote extensively or played vital roles in the fight against racial exploitation in African nations, would add a much more dynamic dimension to the so-called guerrilla intellectuals that scholars such as Walter Rodney emphasize. Indeed, intellectual histories like The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy are valuable, but they can wield greater force with more attention to how debates, policies, and literature impacted or elicited resistance by those most affected.

Griffler’s most refreshing contribution, however, is his challenge to the broad association in the intellectual and public sphere of antislavery with combating rather than abetting racial oppression. Griffler successfully demonstrates that profit ravages morality on the global hegemonic scale. Antislavery leaders of yesteryear quickly assumed roles as the biggest champions of racializing coerced labor in hopes of sustaining a free labor population in Africa and in the American carceral state. Colonialism and its successor, neocolonialism, are slavery in everything other than name, and they operate as free and legal paradigms thanks to the work of so-called antislavery advocates.

Griffler frames this analysis in the context of glaring omissions he recognizes in the twenty-first-century abolitionist movement. Two problems arise here. First, although he is correct in the lack of intellectual and historical connection within the current abolitionist struggle, he does not consider the role of capitalism and therefore of neoliberalism in the expansion of internal neo-colonial racialized labor today. Like the issues with Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York, 2010), Griffler does not consider mass incarceration as the political solution to the problem of new social structures of accumulation—the underlying cause of the shift between colonialism and neocolonialism. Nevertheless, The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy effectively complicates the generally homogeneous take on so-called antislavery by exposing its...

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