{"title":"吉米和罗莎琳-卡特:权力与人权,1975-2000 年》,小 E. Stanly Godbold 著(评论)","authors":"Kristin L. Ahlberg","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932606","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\n<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000</em> by E. Stanly Godbold Jr <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kristin L. Ahlberg </li> </ul> <em>Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000</em>. By E. Stanly Godbold Jr. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. Pp. xii, 889. $39.99, ISBN 978-0-19-758156-8.) <p>The second part of a two-part biography of Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter, this volume begins with Jimmy’s departure from the Georgia governor’s office in January 1975 and continues up through 2020. In narrating the intervening forty-five years, E. Stanly Godbold Jr. balances the domestic and foreign policy accomplishments and crises of the Carter administration against Jimmy <strong>[End Page 660]</strong> and Rosalynn Carter’s professional and personal lives. The work’s exhaustive scope covers well-known successes and failures. But of more interest is Godbold’s characterization of the Carters’ shared southern background and their advocacy. Their experiences, beliefs, and trust in one another all influenced their political partnership and the issues that they chose to prioritize, both in the White House and after. Godbold notes that the Carters “raised their caring and nurturing of family and neighbors to the national and international levels” (p. 661). It is this interplay that reveals a more complete assessment of both Carters, consistent with recent scholarship and the increased availability of archival documentation from the Carter administration.</p> <p>As befits the title, the Carters’ partnership and the identification of human rights within the Carter administration and beyond constitute two major themes knitted together throughout the narrative. Rosalynn Carter adapted to situations and environments necessitated by her husband’s naval service, his return to Georgia to run the Carter peanut warehouse, and his nascent political career. In all instances, she assumed greater responsibilities and felt empowered to share her views. Godbold suggests that these proved helpful in 1975 as Rosalynn campaigned for her husband. Jimmy Carter’s recognition and appreciation of his wife’s political acumen, tact, and interpersonal skills meant that he not only encouraged Rosalynn to pursue initiatives in the area of mental health but also selected her, in early 1977, as a presidential envoy to several South American countries, where she engaged in substantive discussions on human rights. While these activities sometimes subjected her to criticism concerning the “proper” role for a First Lady, Godbold concludes that Jimmy Carter’s willingness to ask his wife to assume these responsibilities “should not have surprised those who had come to know him” (p. 112).</p> <p>Throughout the 1976 campaign, Jimmy Carter emphasized human rights and asserted that his administration would pursue a human rights–based foreign policy. As president, he corresponded with Soviet exile Andrei Sakharov, which “served notice to the Soviet Union in particular, and the world in general, that he was serious about his promotion of human rights” (p. 130). He also nominated Mississippi civil rights activist Patricia “Patt” Murphy Derian as the first assistant secretary of state for human rights and humanitarian affairs. Derian, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, and Deputy Secretary of State Warren Christopher worked to translate Carter’s commitment into a viable policy, acknowledging the difficulties inherent in applying such a policy consistently. Carter’s actions in limiting foreign assistance to human rights violators and his willingness to speak out against abuses “legitimized human rights as a tool in US foreign policy, a legitimacy that would last far beyond his administration” (p. 118).</p> <p>Godbold’s research is comprehensive, drawing on a wealth of memoirs, published primary sources, secondary accounts, interviews, and archival collections. Levity is present, for example, in Godbold’s description of Willie Nelson’s 1977 visit to the White House: “Carter had moved from farming to politics and had found a way ‘to help out the average Joe,’ whereas Willie had learned how to entertain the average Joe” (p. 146). Unfortunately, errors are present. Incorrect and inconsistent titles are used for several administration <strong>[End Page 661]</strong> officials. In other places, dates are transposed or wrong, and names are misspelled. However, these should not detract from Godbold’s overall achievement in documenting the lives of the Carters, who “had set an example, risen above the din of politics and the many national and...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000 by E. Stanly Godbold Jr (review)\",\"authors\":\"Kristin L. Ahlberg\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/soh.2024.a932606\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\\n<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000</em> by E. Stanly Godbold Jr <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kristin L. Ahlberg </li> </ul> <em>Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000</em>. By E. Stanly Godbold Jr. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. Pp. xii, 889. $39.99, ISBN 978-0-19-758156-8.) <p>The second part of a two-part biography of Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter, this volume begins with Jimmy’s departure from the Georgia governor’s office in January 1975 and continues up through 2020. In narrating the intervening forty-five years, E. Stanly Godbold Jr. balances the domestic and foreign policy accomplishments and crises of the Carter administration against Jimmy <strong>[End Page 660]</strong> and Rosalynn Carter’s professional and personal lives. The work’s exhaustive scope covers well-known successes and failures. But of more interest is Godbold’s characterization of the Carters’ shared southern background and their advocacy. Their experiences, beliefs, and trust in one another all influenced their political partnership and the issues that they chose to prioritize, both in the White House and after. Godbold notes that the Carters “raised their caring and nurturing of family and neighbors to the national and international levels” (p. 661). It is this interplay that reveals a more complete assessment of both Carters, consistent with recent scholarship and the increased availability of archival documentation from the Carter administration.</p> <p>As befits the title, the Carters’ partnership and the identification of human rights within the Carter administration and beyond constitute two major themes knitted together throughout the narrative. Rosalynn Carter adapted to situations and environments necessitated by her husband’s naval service, his return to Georgia to run the Carter peanut warehouse, and his nascent political career. In all instances, she assumed greater responsibilities and felt empowered to share her views. Godbold suggests that these proved helpful in 1975 as Rosalynn campaigned for her husband. Jimmy Carter’s recognition and appreciation of his wife’s political acumen, tact, and interpersonal skills meant that he not only encouraged Rosalynn to pursue initiatives in the area of mental health but also selected her, in early 1977, as a presidential envoy to several South American countries, where she engaged in substantive discussions on human rights. While these activities sometimes subjected her to criticism concerning the “proper” role for a First Lady, Godbold concludes that Jimmy Carter’s willingness to ask his wife to assume these responsibilities “should not have surprised those who had come to know him” (p. 112).</p> <p>Throughout the 1976 campaign, Jimmy Carter emphasized human rights and asserted that his administration would pursue a human rights–based foreign policy. As president, he corresponded with Soviet exile Andrei Sakharov, which “served notice to the Soviet Union in particular, and the world in general, that he was serious about his promotion of human rights” (p. 130). He also nominated Mississippi civil rights activist Patricia “Patt” Murphy Derian as the first assistant secretary of state for human rights and humanitarian affairs. Derian, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, and Deputy Secretary of State Warren Christopher worked to translate Carter’s commitment into a viable policy, acknowledging the difficulties inherent in applying such a policy consistently. Carter’s actions in limiting foreign assistance to human rights violators and his willingness to speak out against abuses “legitimized human rights as a tool in US foreign policy, a legitimacy that would last far beyond his administration” (p. 118).</p> <p>Godbold’s research is comprehensive, drawing on a wealth of memoirs, published primary sources, secondary accounts, interviews, and archival collections. Levity is present, for example, in Godbold’s description of Willie Nelson’s 1977 visit to the White House: “Carter had moved from farming to politics and had found a way ‘to help out the average Joe,’ whereas Willie had learned how to entertain the average Joe” (p. 146). Unfortunately, errors are present. Incorrect and inconsistent titles are used for several administration <strong>[End Page 661]</strong> officials. In other places, dates are transposed or wrong, and names are misspelled. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975-2000 by E. Stanly Godbold Jr Kristin L. Ahlberg Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975-2000.作者:小 E. Stanly Godbold(纽约:牛津大学出版社,2022 年):牛津大学出版社,2022 年。第 xii 页,第 889 页。39.99美元,ISBN 978-0-19-758156-8)。这本书是吉米-卡特和罗莎琳-卡特两部传记的第二部分,从吉米 1975 年 1 月离开佐治亚州州长办公室开始,一直写到 2020 年。E. Stanly Godbold Jr.在叙述这四十五年间的历史时,平衡了卡特政府在内政外交政策方面的成就和危机,以及吉米 [第660页完] 和罗莎琳-卡特的职业生涯和个人生活。这部著作详尽无遗地涵盖了众所周知的成功和失败。但更令人感兴趣的是戈德博尔德对卡特夫妇共同的南方背景及其主张的描述。他们的经历、信仰和对彼此的信任都影响了他们的政治伙伴关系,以及他们在白宫和白宫之后选择优先考虑的问题。戈德博尔德指出,卡特尔夫妇 "将他们对家庭和邻居的关怀和培养提升到了国家和国际层面"(第 661 页)。正是这种相互作用揭示了对卡特夫妇的更全面的评价,这与最近的学术研究以及卡特政府档案文献的增加是一致的。正如书名所示,卡特夫妇的合作关系以及卡特政府内外对人权的认同构成了贯穿全文的两大主题。罗莎琳-卡特适应了她丈夫在海军服役、回到佐治亚州经营卡特花生仓库以及他刚刚开始的政治生涯所需要的各种情况和环境。在所有情况下,她都承担了更大的责任,并感到有能力分享自己的观点。戈德博尔德认为,在1975年罗莎琳为丈夫竞选时,这些证明对她很有帮助。吉米-卡特对妻子的政治敏锐度、机智和人际交往能力给予了肯定和赞赏,这意味着他不仅鼓励罗莎琳在心理健康领域开展活动,还在 1977 年初选派她作为总统特使前往南美几个国家,在那里就人权问题进行了实质性的讨论。虽然这些活动有时会让她受到有关第一夫人 "适当 "角色的批评,但戈德博尔德总结说,吉米-卡特愿意让妻子承担这些责任,"了解他的人应该不会感到惊讶"(第112页)。在 1976 年的竞选活动中,吉米-卡特一直强调人权,并宣称他的政府将奉行以人权为基础的外交政策。作为总统,他与流亡国外的苏联人安德烈-萨哈罗夫(Andrei Sakharov)通信,"特别是向苏联乃至全世界表明,他在促进人权方面是认真的"(第130页)。他还提名密西西比州民权活动家帕特里夏-"帕特"-墨菲-德里安(Patricia "Patt" Murphy Derian)担任第一任主管人权和人道主义事务的助理国务卿。德里安、国务卿赛勒斯-万斯(Cyrus Vance)和副国务卿沃伦-克里斯托弗(Warren Christopher)努力将卡特的承诺转化为可行的政策,并承认要始终如一地执行这样的政策存在固有的困难。卡特限制向侵犯人权者提供外国援助的行动,以及他公开反对侵犯人权行为的意愿,"使人权作为美国外交政策的工具合法化,这种合法性将在他执政后持续很久"(第118页)。戈德博尔德的研究非常全面,参考了大量回忆录、已出版的原始资料、二手资料、访谈和档案收藏。例如,在戈德博尔德对威利-纳尔逊 1977 年访问白宫的描述中,就充满了幽默感:"卡特从农业转向政治,找到了'帮助普通人'的方法,而威利则学会了如何娱乐普通人"(第 146 页)。遗憾的是,错误还是存在的。一些政府 [第 661 页末] 官员的头衔不正确,也不一致。在其他一些地方,日期被调换或错误,名字也拼写错误。不过,这些并不影响戈德博尔德在记录卡特尔一家生活方面所取得的总体成就,卡特尔一家 "树立了榜样,超越了政治的喧嚣和许多国家和...
Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000 by E. Stanly Godbold Jr (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:
Reviewed by:
Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000 by E. Stanly Godbold Jr
Kristin L. Ahlberg
Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000. By E. Stanly Godbold Jr. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. Pp. xii, 889. $39.99, ISBN 978-0-19-758156-8.)
The second part of a two-part biography of Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter, this volume begins with Jimmy’s departure from the Georgia governor’s office in January 1975 and continues up through 2020. In narrating the intervening forty-five years, E. Stanly Godbold Jr. balances the domestic and foreign policy accomplishments and crises of the Carter administration against Jimmy [End Page 660] and Rosalynn Carter’s professional and personal lives. The work’s exhaustive scope covers well-known successes and failures. But of more interest is Godbold’s characterization of the Carters’ shared southern background and their advocacy. Their experiences, beliefs, and trust in one another all influenced their political partnership and the issues that they chose to prioritize, both in the White House and after. Godbold notes that the Carters “raised their caring and nurturing of family and neighbors to the national and international levels” (p. 661). It is this interplay that reveals a more complete assessment of both Carters, consistent with recent scholarship and the increased availability of archival documentation from the Carter administration.
As befits the title, the Carters’ partnership and the identification of human rights within the Carter administration and beyond constitute two major themes knitted together throughout the narrative. Rosalynn Carter adapted to situations and environments necessitated by her husband’s naval service, his return to Georgia to run the Carter peanut warehouse, and his nascent political career. In all instances, she assumed greater responsibilities and felt empowered to share her views. Godbold suggests that these proved helpful in 1975 as Rosalynn campaigned for her husband. Jimmy Carter’s recognition and appreciation of his wife’s political acumen, tact, and interpersonal skills meant that he not only encouraged Rosalynn to pursue initiatives in the area of mental health but also selected her, in early 1977, as a presidential envoy to several South American countries, where she engaged in substantive discussions on human rights. While these activities sometimes subjected her to criticism concerning the “proper” role for a First Lady, Godbold concludes that Jimmy Carter’s willingness to ask his wife to assume these responsibilities “should not have surprised those who had come to know him” (p. 112).
Throughout the 1976 campaign, Jimmy Carter emphasized human rights and asserted that his administration would pursue a human rights–based foreign policy. As president, he corresponded with Soviet exile Andrei Sakharov, which “served notice to the Soviet Union in particular, and the world in general, that he was serious about his promotion of human rights” (p. 130). He also nominated Mississippi civil rights activist Patricia “Patt” Murphy Derian as the first assistant secretary of state for human rights and humanitarian affairs. Derian, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, and Deputy Secretary of State Warren Christopher worked to translate Carter’s commitment into a viable policy, acknowledging the difficulties inherent in applying such a policy consistently. Carter’s actions in limiting foreign assistance to human rights violators and his willingness to speak out against abuses “legitimized human rights as a tool in US foreign policy, a legitimacy that would last far beyond his administration” (p. 118).
Godbold’s research is comprehensive, drawing on a wealth of memoirs, published primary sources, secondary accounts, interviews, and archival collections. Levity is present, for example, in Godbold’s description of Willie Nelson’s 1977 visit to the White House: “Carter had moved from farming to politics and had found a way ‘to help out the average Joe,’ whereas Willie had learned how to entertain the average Joe” (p. 146). Unfortunately, errors are present. Incorrect and inconsistent titles are used for several administration [End Page 661] officials. In other places, dates are transposed or wrong, and names are misspelled. However, these should not detract from Godbold’s overall achievement in documenting the lives of the Carters, who “had set an example, risen above the din of politics and the many national and...