德克萨斯州的六部宪法:William J. Chriss 所著《得克萨斯州的政治身份,1830-1900 年》(评论)

IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI:10.1353/swh.2024.a936682
Matthew K. Hamilton
{"title":"德克萨斯州的六部宪法:William J. Chriss 所著《得克萨斯州的政治身份,1830-1900 年》(评论)","authors":"Matthew K. Hamilton","doi":"10.1353/swh.2024.a936682","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\n<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas Political Identity, 1830–1900</em> by William J. Chriss <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Matthew K. Hamilton </li> </ul> <em>Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas Political Identity, 1830–1900</em>. By William J. Chriss. ( College Station: Texas A&amp;M University Press, 2024. Pp. 330. Illustrations, notes, index.) <p>In <em>Six Constitutions Over Texas</em>, legal historian William J. Chriss explores how Texans forged their political identity, and how that identity exhibited itself in Texas's six governing charters. Arranged chronologically into six chapters, this book guides the reader through the constitutional history of Texas, from the rebellious Constitution of 1836 through the reactionary Constitution of 1876. Along the way, Chriss offers insights into the legal history of Texas with a thoroughly researched, well-written narrative that should appeal to academics and non-academics alike.</p> <p>The book's premise is simple: \"Texas should be understood as an imagined community, an identity produced by ideological consensus among economic, cultural, and legal elites\" (p. 218). To Chriss, Texas's six constitutions are not simply laws that limited government action or documents that organized communities; rather, they were \"important artifacts shedding light on the ideologies\" of the Texans that created them (p. xiii).</p> <p>The author's methodology combines theories of \"otherness\" and comparative constitutionalism that allow the reader to see how Texas's constitutions created a dominant cultural and political identity by \"defining those who are outsiders\" (p. 219). For example, an important part of why Texans revolted against the newly centralized Mexican government was the protection of the slave economy. Texian political identity was created, in part, out of fear of an alliance of emancipated slaves, Tejanos, blacks, and Indians that would oust them from the province. As a result, the 1836 Constitution of the Republic of Texas sought to create a bulwark against Tejano and Mexican agitation of racial violence.</p> <p>After Texas's annexation to the United States and the subsequent Mexican-American War, Tejano and Mexican threats ceased. But Chriss contends <strong>[End Page 101]</strong> that Anglo elites in Texas soon identified northerners' agitation of the slavery question as a new threat to white supremacy in Texas, and this attitude continued through the end of Reconstruction in the mid-1870s. Later, as the United States experienced rapid urbanization and industrialization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Anglo elites' racial fears were replaced by their concerns about class consciousness. To prevent possible \"cooperation between African Americans and poor whites,\" segregation was imposed and ingrained in Texas in the early twentieth century. By mid-century, Chriss argues that a \"conservative modern Texas\" had been created, characterized by American exceptionalism, Texan uniqueness and embodiment of true Americanism, Anglo-American racial superiority, and government regulation to stimulate economic growth but slow the redistribution of wealth and power from Anglo elites (p. xv).</p> <p><em>Six Constitutions Over Texas</em> aligns with emerging Texas historiography developed by scholars such as Walter H. Buenger and Sam W. Haynes, who have promoted new interpretations of what has conventionally been \"a tradition-laden subject\" (p. 219). The book is revisionist in the sense that it rejects \"myths as facts,\" but Chriss clarifies that it is \"not a polemic, it is a history\" (p. 219). In this effort, Chriss succeeds. This book is a welcome addition to Texas historiography that furthers appreciation of Texas's governing documents and expands academic understanding of the motives, identities (real and imagined), and experiences of the Texans that crafted them.</p> Matthew K. Hamilton Collin College Copyright © 2024 The Texas State Historical Association ... </p>","PeriodicalId":42779,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2024-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas Political Identity, 1830–1900 by William J. Chriss (review)\",\"authors\":\"Matthew K. 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Arranged chronologically into six chapters, this book guides the reader through the constitutional history of Texas, from the rebellious Constitution of 1836 through the reactionary Constitution of 1876. Along the way, Chriss offers insights into the legal history of Texas with a thoroughly researched, well-written narrative that should appeal to academics and non-academics alike.</p> <p>The book's premise is simple: \\\"Texas should be understood as an imagined community, an identity produced by ideological consensus among economic, cultural, and legal elites\\\" (p. 218). To Chriss, Texas's six constitutions are not simply laws that limited government action or documents that organized communities; rather, they were \\\"important artifacts shedding light on the ideologies\\\" of the Texans that created them (p. xiii).</p> <p>The author's methodology combines theories of \\\"otherness\\\" and comparative constitutionalism that allow the reader to see how Texas's constitutions created a dominant cultural and political identity by \\\"defining those who are outsiders\\\" (p. 219). For example, an important part of why Texans revolted against the newly centralized Mexican government was the protection of the slave economy. Texian political identity was created, in part, out of fear of an alliance of emancipated slaves, Tejanos, blacks, and Indians that would oust them from the province. As a result, the 1836 Constitution of the Republic of Texas sought to create a bulwark against Tejano and Mexican agitation of racial violence.</p> <p>After Texas's annexation to the United States and the subsequent Mexican-American War, Tejano and Mexican threats ceased. But Chriss contends <strong>[End Page 101]</strong> that Anglo elites in Texas soon identified northerners' agitation of the slavery question as a new threat to white supremacy in Texas, and this attitude continued through the end of Reconstruction in the mid-1870s. Later, as the United States experienced rapid urbanization and industrialization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Anglo elites' racial fears were replaced by their concerns about class consciousness. To prevent possible \\\"cooperation between African Americans and poor whites,\\\" segregation was imposed and ingrained in Texas in the early twentieth century. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 德克萨斯州的六部宪法:William J. Chriss Matthew K. Hamilton 《德克萨斯州的六部宪法:德克萨斯州的政治身份,1830-1900 年》:德克萨斯州的政治身份,1830-1900 年。作者:William J. Chriss。(学院站:德克萨斯 A&M 大学出版社,2024 年。Pp.330.插图、注释、索引)。在《德克萨斯州的六部宪法》一书中,法律史学家威廉-J-克里斯探讨了德克萨斯人如何形成自己的政治身份,以及这种身份如何在德克萨斯州的六部管理章程中展现出来。本书按时间顺序分为六章,引导读者回顾德克萨斯州的宪法史,从 1836 年的反叛宪法到 1876 年的反动宪法。一路走来,克里斯通过深入研究和精心撰写的叙述,对得克萨斯州的法律史提出了独到见解,应该对学术界和非学术界人士都有吸引力。本书的前提很简单:"德克萨斯州应被理解为一个想象中的社区,是经济、文化和法律精英在意识形态上达成共识而产生的身份认同"(第 218 页)。在克里斯看来,得克萨斯州的六部宪法不仅仅是限制政府行为的法律或组织社区的文件;相反,它们是 "揭示 "创造这些宪法的 "得克萨斯人的 "意识形态的 "重要文物"(第 xiii 页)。作者的研究方法结合了 "他者 "理论和比较宪法学,让读者看到德克萨斯州的宪法是如何通过 "定义外来者"(第 219 页)来创造一种占主导地位的文化和政治身份的。例如,德克萨斯人反抗新集权的墨西哥政府的一个重要原因是保护奴隶经济。德克萨斯人政治身份的形成,部分原因是担心被解放的奴隶、特亚诺人、黑人和印第安人组成的联盟会将他们赶出该省。因此,1836 年的《德克萨斯共和国宪法》试图建立一道屏障,抵御特哈诺人和墨西哥人煽动种族暴力的行为。在得克萨斯州并入美国以及随后的美墨战争之后,特哈诺人和墨西哥人的威胁停止了。但 Chriss 认为 [第 101 页完] 得克萨斯州的盎格鲁精英很快就把北方人煽动奴隶制问题视为对得克萨斯州白人至上主义的新威胁,这种态度一直持续到 19 世纪 70 年代中期重建结束。后来,随着美国在 19 世纪末 20 世纪初经历了快速的城市化和工业化,盎格鲁精英对种族问题的恐惧被他们对阶级意识的担忧所取代。为了防止 "非裔美国人与贫穷白人之间可能出现的合作",20 世纪初德克萨斯州开始实行种族隔离,并将其根深蒂固。到了本世纪中期,Chriss 认为 "保守的现代德克萨斯 "已经形成,其特点是美国例外论、德克萨斯的独特性和真正美国主义的体现、英美种族优越性,以及政府监管以刺激经济增长但减缓盎格鲁精英的财富和权力再分配(第 xv 页)。德克萨斯州的六部宪法》与沃尔特-H-布恩格(Walter H. Buenger)和萨姆-W-海恩斯(Sam W. Haynes)等学者发展的新兴德克萨斯州史学相吻合,他们提倡对传统上 "充满传统色彩的主题 "进行新的诠释(第 219 页)。本书是一本修正主义的著作,因为它拒绝 "把神话当作事实",但 Chriss 明确指出,它 "不是一场论战,而是一部历史"(第 219 页)。在这方面,克里斯取得了成功。本书是对德克萨斯州历史学的一个可喜补充,它促进了对德克萨斯州管理文件的欣赏,并拓展了学术界对制定这些文件的德克萨斯人的动机、身份(真实的和想象的)和经历的理解。马修-K.-汉密尔顿 科林学院 版权所有 © 2024 德州历史协会 ...
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Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas Political Identity, 1830–1900 by William J. Chriss (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas Political Identity, 1830–1900 by William J. Chriss
  • Matthew K. Hamilton
Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas Political Identity, 1830–1900. By William J. Chriss. ( College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2024. Pp. 330. Illustrations, notes, index.)

In Six Constitutions Over Texas, legal historian William J. Chriss explores how Texans forged their political identity, and how that identity exhibited itself in Texas's six governing charters. Arranged chronologically into six chapters, this book guides the reader through the constitutional history of Texas, from the rebellious Constitution of 1836 through the reactionary Constitution of 1876. Along the way, Chriss offers insights into the legal history of Texas with a thoroughly researched, well-written narrative that should appeal to academics and non-academics alike.

The book's premise is simple: "Texas should be understood as an imagined community, an identity produced by ideological consensus among economic, cultural, and legal elites" (p. 218). To Chriss, Texas's six constitutions are not simply laws that limited government action or documents that organized communities; rather, they were "important artifacts shedding light on the ideologies" of the Texans that created them (p. xiii).

The author's methodology combines theories of "otherness" and comparative constitutionalism that allow the reader to see how Texas's constitutions created a dominant cultural and political identity by "defining those who are outsiders" (p. 219). For example, an important part of why Texans revolted against the newly centralized Mexican government was the protection of the slave economy. Texian political identity was created, in part, out of fear of an alliance of emancipated slaves, Tejanos, blacks, and Indians that would oust them from the province. As a result, the 1836 Constitution of the Republic of Texas sought to create a bulwark against Tejano and Mexican agitation of racial violence.

After Texas's annexation to the United States and the subsequent Mexican-American War, Tejano and Mexican threats ceased. But Chriss contends [End Page 101] that Anglo elites in Texas soon identified northerners' agitation of the slavery question as a new threat to white supremacy in Texas, and this attitude continued through the end of Reconstruction in the mid-1870s. Later, as the United States experienced rapid urbanization and industrialization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Anglo elites' racial fears were replaced by their concerns about class consciousness. To prevent possible "cooperation between African Americans and poor whites," segregation was imposed and ingrained in Texas in the early twentieth century. By mid-century, Chriss argues that a "conservative modern Texas" had been created, characterized by American exceptionalism, Texan uniqueness and embodiment of true Americanism, Anglo-American racial superiority, and government regulation to stimulate economic growth but slow the redistribution of wealth and power from Anglo elites (p. xv).

Six Constitutions Over Texas aligns with emerging Texas historiography developed by scholars such as Walter H. Buenger and Sam W. Haynes, who have promoted new interpretations of what has conventionally been "a tradition-laden subject" (p. 219). The book is revisionist in the sense that it rejects "myths as facts," but Chriss clarifies that it is "not a polemic, it is a history" (p. 219). In this effort, Chriss succeeds. This book is a welcome addition to Texas historiography that furthers appreciation of Texas's governing documents and expands academic understanding of the motives, identities (real and imagined), and experiences of the Texans that crafted them.

Matthew K. Hamilton Collin College Copyright © 2024 The Texas State Historical Association ...

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来源期刊
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期刊介绍: The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, continuously published since 1897, is the premier source of scholarly information about the history of Texas and the Southwest. The first 100 volumes of the Quarterly, more than 57,000 pages, are now available Online with searchable Tables of Contents.
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