{"title":"评估针对亲巴勒斯坦团体的法律战做法","authors":"Hans Morten Haugen","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12764","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>For nearly 20 years, nongovernmental organizations backing the Palestinian cause have promoted both “differentiation” and the better-known strategy of boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS). Differentiation is the practice of distinguishing between Israel and the occupied territories, terminating contracts with actors—irrespective of nationality—that contribute to and benefit from occupation-related activities, and seeking to promote Palestinian investments and exports. This strategy is fundamentally different from BDS, which targets not just the occupation but the Israeli state and its national entities. However, this article finds that laws and proposed legislation in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Israel do not delineate between Israel and Israeli-controlled territory, blurring the line between differentiation and BDS as tools to support Palestine. The evidence shows that courts have mostly ruled against differentiation practices, thus allowing harsh campaigns that impose heavy burdens on NGOs. These costs are both direct, through legal proceedings, and indirect in that they restrict the space for humanitarian action and delegitimize groups that employ differentiation. The study considers whether this constitutes lawfare, defined by experts as the exploitation “of the law of armed conflict to achieve tactical and strategic goals.”</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 3","pages":"95-110"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6000,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12764","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Evaluating the Practice of Lawfare Against Pro-Palestinian Groups\",\"authors\":\"Hans Morten Haugen\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/mepo.12764\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>For nearly 20 years, nongovernmental organizations backing the Palestinian cause have promoted both “differentiation” and the better-known strategy of boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS). Differentiation is the practice of distinguishing between Israel and the occupied territories, terminating contracts with actors—irrespective of nationality—that contribute to and benefit from occupation-related activities, and seeking to promote Palestinian investments and exports. This strategy is fundamentally different from BDS, which targets not just the occupation but the Israeli state and its national entities. However, this article finds that laws and proposed legislation in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Israel do not delineate between Israel and Israeli-controlled territory, blurring the line between differentiation and BDS as tools to support Palestine. The evidence shows that courts have mostly ruled against differentiation practices, thus allowing harsh campaigns that impose heavy burdens on NGOs. These costs are both direct, through legal proceedings, and indirect in that they restrict the space for humanitarian action and delegitimize groups that employ differentiation. The study considers whether this constitutes lawfare, defined by experts as the exploitation “of the law of armed conflict to achieve tactical and strategic goals.”</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":46060,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Middle East Policy\",\"volume\":\"31 3\",\"pages\":\"95-110\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.6000,\"publicationDate\":\"2024-07-30\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12764\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Middle East Policy\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"90\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/mepo.12764\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"AREA STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Middle East Policy","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/mepo.12764","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
Evaluating the Practice of Lawfare Against Pro-Palestinian Groups
For nearly 20 years, nongovernmental organizations backing the Palestinian cause have promoted both “differentiation” and the better-known strategy of boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS). Differentiation is the practice of distinguishing between Israel and the occupied territories, terminating contracts with actors—irrespective of nationality—that contribute to and benefit from occupation-related activities, and seeking to promote Palestinian investments and exports. This strategy is fundamentally different from BDS, which targets not just the occupation but the Israeli state and its national entities. However, this article finds that laws and proposed legislation in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Israel do not delineate between Israel and Israeli-controlled territory, blurring the line between differentiation and BDS as tools to support Palestine. The evidence shows that courts have mostly ruled against differentiation practices, thus allowing harsh campaigns that impose heavy burdens on NGOs. These costs are both direct, through legal proceedings, and indirect in that they restrict the space for humanitarian action and delegitimize groups that employ differentiation. The study considers whether this constitutes lawfare, defined by experts as the exploitation “of the law of armed conflict to achieve tactical and strategic goals.”
期刊介绍:
The most frequently cited journal on the Middle East region in the field of international affairs, Middle East Policy has been engaging thoughtful minds for more than 25 years. Since its inception in 1982, the journal has been recognized as a valuable addition to the Washington-based policy discussion. Middle East Policy provides an influential forum for a wide range of views on U.S. interests in the region and the value of the policies that are supposed to promote them.