PEPFAR 的基础已经发生变化:这对其未来意味着什么?

IF 4.6 1区 医学 Q2 IMMUNOLOGY Journal of the International AIDS Society Pub Date : 2024-11-22 DOI:10.1002/jia2.26396
Jennifer Kates, Brian Honermann, Gregorio Millett
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In addition, studies have found that PEPFAR funding is significantly associated with several, positive, knock-on effects beyond HIV, including increases in the gross domestic product (GDP) per capita growth rate, educational retention and childhood vaccination rates [<span>2</span>].</p><p>Created in 2003 in the United States by a Republican President, with strong, bipartisan support in Congress at the time, PEPFAR has largely maintained that support across multiple administrations and congresses, often standing outside the political fray in Washington, DC. But the ground upon which PEPFAR sits has shifted in fundamental ways, perhaps most obviously manifest in the challenges it recently faced in securing a 5-year reauthorization [<span>3</span>]. These shifts are multifaceted and intertwined and, in most cases, not specific to PEPFAR or HIV, but taken together, suggest a “rethink” for PEPFAR's next phase. 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For low- and middle-income countries, rising debt burden threatens their economic recovery, with many poorer now than before COVID-19 [<span>4</span>].</p><p>More broadly, reports have found that the human rights environment in many countries is deteriorating, with negative effects on health [<span>6</span>]. This has particular implications for HIV given that many of the populations most affected—men who have sex with men, transgender women, people who use drugs and other marginalized groups—already face human rights barriers that put them at increased risk for HIV and complicate the ability to control HIV [<span>6</span>]. There is also evidence that civic space is closing in many localities, making it more difficult for civil society organizations to operate and organize and presenting new challenges for HIV and other health needs [<span>7</span>].</p><p>Other shifts include the rise in political polarization, mistrust and misinformation. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

PEPFAR 是美国的一项全球艾滋病计划,它拯救了 2,500 万人的生命,改变了艾滋病毒/艾滋病的流行轨迹[1]。去年,2000 多万人在 PEPFAR 的支持下接受了抗逆转录病毒治疗,近 200 万人新接受了暴露前预防治疗,327,000 名医疗工作者直接得到了该计划的支持。据《总统艾滋病紧急救援计划》估计,500 多万婴儿在出生时没有感染艾滋病毒。此外,研究还发现,PEPFAR 的资金与 HIV 以外的几种积极的连锁反应有显著关联,包括人均国内生产总值 (GDP) 增长率、教育保留率和儿童疫苗接种率的提高 [2]。PEPFAR 于 2003 年由共和党总统在美国创立,当时在国会两党的大力支持下,PEPFAR 在多届政府和国会中基本保持了这种支持,经常置身于华盛顿特区的政治纷争之外。但是,PEPFAR 所处的环境已经发生了根本性的变化,最明显的表现可能就是它最近在获得五年期重新授权时所面临的挑战[3]。这些变化是多方面的、相互交织的,在大多数情况下,并不是 PEPFAR 或 HIV 所特有的,但综合在一起,就表明需要对 PEPFAR 的下一阶段进行 "重新思考"。在此,我们将探讨其中的一些转变及其对未来提出的问题,鉴于美国大选的结果,这些问题变得更加重要;特朗普的第二届政府和国会中不断变化的平衡可能至少意味着对该计划进行更严格的审查。全球经济虽然正在复苏,但仍受到 COVID-19 大流行病的经济影响,GDP 增长率仍低于历史平均水平。高通胀以及多场战争和人道主义援助的持续成本进一步压缩了财政空间[4]。对于捐助国政府来说,这些财政压力对资助健康和发展需求(包括艾滋病毒)构成了挑战,许多捐助国政府正在放弃资助[5]。对于中低收入国家来说,不断增加的债务负担威胁着它们的经济复苏,许多国家现在比 COVID-19 之前还要贫穷[4]。更广泛地说,报告发现许多国家的人权环境正在恶化,对健康产生了负面影响[6]。鉴于许多受影响最严重的人群--男男性行为者、变性妇女、吸毒者和其他边缘化群体--已经面临人权障碍,使他们感染艾滋病毒的风险增加,并使控制艾滋病毒的能力复杂化[6],这对艾滋病毒的影响尤为明显。还有证据表明,许多地方的公民空间正在关闭,使民间社会组织的运作和组织更加困难,并对艾滋病毒和其他健康需求提出了新的挑战[7]。例如,人们对科学和卫生机构的信任度下降,党派之间的分歧越来越大[8]。最后,近年来,全球卫生与发展领域变得更加复杂,越来越 "拥挤",出现了许多相互重叠的挑战,有时甚至是相互竞争的挑战。这包括目前的 "资金补充交通堵塞"[9],即多个机构同时要求捐助国政府提供资金。部分由于 PEPFAR 和全球抗击艾滋病、结核病和疟疾基金所取得的巨大成功,HIV 已不再像以前那样具有紧迫感,这使其筹资工作更具挑战性。事实上,许多捐助国政府已经减少了在艾滋病防治方面的支出,使得美国在艾滋病防治方面的负担越来越重[10]。即使是美国,它仍然是世界上最大的艾滋病捐助政府,其资助额在 2010 年达到了最高水位[11]。但疟疾和结核病等其他传染病的教训表明,当关注度和资金减少时,这些疾病又会死灰复燃[12]。这些更广泛的趋势对 PEPFAR 的支持及其正在进行的工作产生了影响,而 PEPFAR 创建时在任的美国国会议员人数越来越少,更加剧了这种影响。值此世界艾滋病日之际,这些问题和其他问题可能会为重新思考 PEPFAR 的未来提供新的机会,积极主动地重新塑造和重构 PEPFAR,同时继续关注终结艾滋病这一公共卫生威胁这一目标。鉴于美国总统选举的结果,这一点尤为重要。
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The ground has shifted under PEPFAR: what does that mean for its future?

PEPFAR, the U.S. global HIV programme, has been credited with saving 25 million lives and changing the trajectory of the HIV/AIDS pandemic [1]. Last year, more than 20 million people were on antiretroviral therapy with support from PEPFAR, almost 2 million were newly enrolled on pre-exposure prophylaxis and 327,000 healthcare workers were directly supported by the program. PEPFAR also estimates that more than 5 million babies have been born without HIV. In addition, studies have found that PEPFAR funding is significantly associated with several, positive, knock-on effects beyond HIV, including increases in the gross domestic product (GDP) per capita growth rate, educational retention and childhood vaccination rates [2].

Created in 2003 in the United States by a Republican President, with strong, bipartisan support in Congress at the time, PEPFAR has largely maintained that support across multiple administrations and congresses, often standing outside the political fray in Washington, DC. But the ground upon which PEPFAR sits has shifted in fundamental ways, perhaps most obviously manifest in the challenges it recently faced in securing a 5-year reauthorization [3]. These shifts are multifaceted and intertwined and, in most cases, not specific to PEPFAR or HIV, but taken together, suggest a “rethink” for PEPFAR's next phase. Here, we explore some of these shifts and the questions they pose going forward, questions that have become even more important given the outcome of the U.S. election; a second Trump administration and a changing balance in Congress likely mean, at a minimum, even greater scrutiny of the programme.

One of the greatest shifts is in the global economy. While recovering, it continues to experience the economic effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, with GDP growth remaining below historic averages. Fiscal space is further strained by high inflation and the ongoing costs of multiple wars and humanitarian assistance [4]. For donor governments, these fiscal strains present challenges for financing health and development needs, including for HIV, and many are shifting away [5]. For low- and middle-income countries, rising debt burden threatens their economic recovery, with many poorer now than before COVID-19 [4].

More broadly, reports have found that the human rights environment in many countries is deteriorating, with negative effects on health [6]. This has particular implications for HIV given that many of the populations most affected—men who have sex with men, transgender women, people who use drugs and other marginalized groups—already face human rights barriers that put them at increased risk for HIV and complicate the ability to control HIV [6]. There is also evidence that civic space is closing in many localities, making it more difficult for civil society organizations to operate and organize and presenting new challenges for HIV and other health needs [7].

Other shifts include the rise in political polarization, mistrust and misinformation. For example, trust in science and health institutions has declined, and is increasingly diverging along partisan lines [8]. The ability to share and spread information widely and quickly has contributed to a concomitant rise in mis- and dis-information generally and for health specifically [5].

Finally, the global health and development space has become more complex and increasingly “crowded” in recent years with many overlapping, and in some cases, competing challenges. This includes a current “replenishment traffic jam,” [9] with multiple institutions calling for donor government funding from the same constrained pots at the same time. HIV—in part because of the enormous success of PEPFAR and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria—does not evoke the same sense of urgency it once did, making its funding case more challenging. Indeed, many donor governments have reduced their spending on HIV, leaving the United States to shoulder an increasing burden of the response [10]. Even the United States, which continues to be the largest donor government to HIV in the world, reached its funding high-water mark in 2010 [11]. But the lessons from other infectious diseases, such as malaria and tuberculosis, show that when attention and funding attenuate, these diseases can resurge [12].

These broader trends have implications for PEPFAR support and its ongoing story, exacerbated by the small and diminishing number of members of the U.S. Congress who were in office when PEPFAR was created. As a result, Congress and others are increasingly looking to PEPFAR for more concrete plans about its future [13].

On this World AIDS Day, these questions and others could offer new opportunities to rethink PEPFAR's future, proactively recasting and reframing it, while keeping a focus on the goal of ending the AIDS pandemic as a public health threat. This is particularly important given the outcome of the U.S. election, as well as multiple other elections in donor countries, and diminishing interest in addressing HIV.

The authors declare no competing interests.

JK wrote the main commentary. BH and GM contributed to the commentary and provided edits.

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来源期刊
Journal of the International AIDS Society
Journal of the International AIDS Society IMMUNOLOGY-INFECTIOUS DISEASES
CiteScore
8.60
自引率
10.00%
发文量
186
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: The Journal of the International AIDS Society (JIAS) is a peer-reviewed and Open Access journal for the generation and dissemination of evidence from a wide range of disciplines: basic and biomedical sciences; behavioural sciences; epidemiology; clinical sciences; health economics and health policy; operations research and implementation sciences; and social sciences and humanities. Submission of HIV research carried out in low- and middle-income countries is strongly encouraged.
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