{"title":"代码转换与埃及-阿拉伯建构状态","authors":"Yourdanis Sedarous","doi":"10.1075/lab.19015.sed","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"\n In this paper, I assume a grammatical approach to codeswitching (MacSwan,\n 2012), which predicts a ban on codeswitching below the head level. Previous literature has analyzed this ban largely at\n the word-level, terming it a ban on word-internal codeswitching. In this paper I argue that the said ban can also\n be extended from the lexical domain to certain syntactic domains that act as one word. I test MacSwan’s theory in the context of\n codeswitching within construct state nominals, a genitive construction prevalent in Semitic languages. The construct state is\n particularly relevant for discussions on the syntax-phonology interface within codeswitching because it is a complex and\n productive syntactic structure that is mapped onto one word. The results of an acceptability judgment experiment show lowered\n acceptability for sentences where a codeswitch occurred within a construct state nominal vs. sentences where the codeswitch\n occurred outside of a construct state nominal. The lowered acceptability for such codeswitched judgments suggests that the ban on\n word-internal codeswitching is not in fact limited to words but can be extended to complex syntactic units that\n prosodically function as one word.","PeriodicalId":48664,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Approaches To Bilingualism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8000,"publicationDate":"2022-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Codeswitching and the Egyptian Arabic construct state\",\"authors\":\"Yourdanis Sedarous\",\"doi\":\"10.1075/lab.19015.sed\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"\\n In this paper, I assume a grammatical approach to codeswitching (MacSwan,\\n 2012), which predicts a ban on codeswitching below the head level. Previous literature has analyzed this ban largely at\\n the word-level, terming it a ban on word-internal codeswitching. In this paper I argue that the said ban can also\\n be extended from the lexical domain to certain syntactic domains that act as one word. I test MacSwan’s theory in the context of\\n codeswitching within construct state nominals, a genitive construction prevalent in Semitic languages. The construct state is\\n particularly relevant for discussions on the syntax-phonology interface within codeswitching because it is a complex and\\n productive syntactic structure that is mapped onto one word. The results of an acceptability judgment experiment show lowered\\n acceptability for sentences where a codeswitch occurred within a construct state nominal vs. sentences where the codeswitch\\n occurred outside of a construct state nominal. The lowered acceptability for such codeswitched judgments suggests that the ban on\\n word-internal codeswitching is not in fact limited to words but can be extended to complex syntactic units that\\n prosodically function as one word.\",\"PeriodicalId\":48664,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Linguistic Approaches To Bilingualism\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":1.8000,\"publicationDate\":\"2022-02-21\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Linguistic Approaches To Bilingualism\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"98\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1075/lab.19015.sed\",\"RegionNum\":2,\"RegionCategory\":\"文学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Linguistic Approaches To Bilingualism","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lab.19015.sed","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
Codeswitching and the Egyptian Arabic construct state
In this paper, I assume a grammatical approach to codeswitching (MacSwan,
2012), which predicts a ban on codeswitching below the head level. Previous literature has analyzed this ban largely at
the word-level, terming it a ban on word-internal codeswitching. In this paper I argue that the said ban can also
be extended from the lexical domain to certain syntactic domains that act as one word. I test MacSwan’s theory in the context of
codeswitching within construct state nominals, a genitive construction prevalent in Semitic languages. The construct state is
particularly relevant for discussions on the syntax-phonology interface within codeswitching because it is a complex and
productive syntactic structure that is mapped onto one word. The results of an acceptability judgment experiment show lowered
acceptability for sentences where a codeswitch occurred within a construct state nominal vs. sentences where the codeswitch
occurred outside of a construct state nominal. The lowered acceptability for such codeswitched judgments suggests that the ban on
word-internal codeswitching is not in fact limited to words but can be extended to complex syntactic units that
prosodically function as one word.
期刊介绍:
LAB provides an outlet for cutting-edge, contemporary studies on bilingualism. LAB assumes a broad definition of bilingualism, including: adult L2 acquisition, simultaneous child bilingualism, child L2 acquisition, adult heritage speaker competence, L1 attrition in L2/Ln environments, and adult L3/Ln acquisition. LAB solicits high quality articles of original research assuming any cognitive science approach to understanding the mental representation of bilingual language competence and performance, including cognitive linguistics, emergentism/connectionism, generative theories, psycholinguistic and processing accounts, and covering typical and atypical populations.