{"title":"克罗地亚的LGBTIQ父母:经验和看法","authors":"M. Štambuk, M. Vujčić","doi":"10.5613/rzs.49.2.1","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"A growing number of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ1) people want to have or already have children (e.g. Goldberg and Allen, 2013; Pew Research survey, 2013). Scientific research published to date, including longitudinal and national probability studies, provides strong evidence that parental sexual orientation is not related to parenting effectiveness (adams and Light, 2015; Crouch et al., 2014; Goldberg and Allen, 2013; Manning, Fettro and Lamidi, 2014; Vučković Juroš, 2017). In other words, children growing up with LGBTIQ parents are similar to children living with heterosexual parents as concerns many relevant outcomes, including children’s wellbeing, academic achievement, cognitive development, social skills and mental health. Although societies differ in levels of formal or informal acknowledgement and in terms of the acceptance of LGBTIQ people, negative reactions are easily provoked when discussing LGBTIQ parenthood (Takács, Szalma and Bartus, 2016). Unlike families with heterosexual parents, families with LGBTIQ parents largely lack legal as well as social recognition and support (Takács and Szalma, 2011). They are also often exposed to stigmatization and discrimination (Takács, 2015). These negative experiences can have a broad negative impact on the wellbeing of LGBTIQ people and their children (Appell, 2003; Bos et al., 2004; Patterson, Fulcher and Wainright, 2002; Weber, 2010). Since the early 2000s, Croatian society has witnessed significant formal and societal changes in the direction of greater acceptance and acknowledgement of LGBTIQ people and their rights (Jurčić, 2018). Nonetheless, public discussions over the family lives of LGBTIQ people remain mostly negative and frequently do not move beyond expressions of personal attitudes and prejudice (Hodžić and Štulhofer, 2017). In general, public levels of recognition and knowledge about the families of LGBTIQ individuals are low (Kamenov, Huić and Jelić, 2017; Jugović and Ogresta, 2017). Furthermore, scientific studies on sexual orientation and gender identities are very rare within the Croatian context. While there are many in-","PeriodicalId":39535,"journal":{"name":"Revija za Sociologiju","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5613/rzs.49.2.1","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"LGBTIQ Parenthood in Croatia: Experiences and Perceptions\",\"authors\":\"M. Štambuk, M. 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Although societies differ in levels of formal or informal acknowledgement and in terms of the acceptance of LGBTIQ people, negative reactions are easily provoked when discussing LGBTIQ parenthood (Takács, Szalma and Bartus, 2016). Unlike families with heterosexual parents, families with LGBTIQ parents largely lack legal as well as social recognition and support (Takács and Szalma, 2011). They are also often exposed to stigmatization and discrimination (Takács, 2015). These negative experiences can have a broad negative impact on the wellbeing of LGBTIQ people and their children (Appell, 2003; Bos et al., 2004; Patterson, Fulcher and Wainright, 2002; Weber, 2010). Since the early 2000s, Croatian society has witnessed significant formal and societal changes in the direction of greater acceptance and acknowledgement of LGBTIQ people and their rights (Jurčić, 2018). Nonetheless, public discussions over the family lives of LGBTIQ people remain mostly negative and frequently do not move beyond expressions of personal attitudes and prejudice (Hodžić and Štulhofer, 2017). In general, public levels of recognition and knowledge about the families of LGBTIQ individuals are low (Kamenov, Huić and Jelić, 2017; Jugović and Ogresta, 2017). Furthermore, scientific studies on sexual orientation and gender identities are very rare within the Croatian context. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
越来越多的女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、变性人、双性人和酷儿(LGBTIQ1)想要或已经有了孩子(例如Goldberg和Allen, 2013;皮尤研究调查,2013年)。迄今为止发表的科学研究,包括纵向和国家概率研究,提供了强有力的证据,证明父母的性取向与育儿效果无关(adams and Light, 2015;Crouch et al., 2014;Goldberg and Allen, 2013;曼宁,费特罗和拉米迪,2014;vu koviki jurosi, 2017)。换句话说,与LGBTIQ父母一起长大的孩子与与异性恋父母一起长大的孩子在许多相关结果上相似,包括孩子的幸福、学业成就、认知发展、社交技能和心理健康。尽管社会在正式或非正式承认的程度以及对LGBTIQ人群的接受程度上存在差异,但在讨论LGBTIQ父母身份时,很容易引发负面反应(Takács, Szalma和Bartus, 2016)。与异性恋父母的家庭不同,LGBTIQ父母的家庭在很大程度上缺乏法律和社会的认可和支持(Takács和Szalma, 2011)。他们也经常受到污名化和歧视(Takács, 2015)。这些负面的经历会对LGBTIQ人群和他们的孩子的健康产生广泛的负面影响(Appell, 2003;Bos et al., 2004;Patterson, Fulcher和Wainright, 2002;韦伯,2010)。自21世纪初以来,克罗地亚社会见证了重大的正式和社会变化,更多地接受和承认LGBTIQ人群及其权利(jur iki, 2018)。尽管如此,公众对LGBTIQ人群家庭生活的讨论仍然大多是消极的,并且经常超出个人态度和偏见的表达(Hodžić和Štulhofer, 2017)。总体而言,公众对LGBTIQ个体家庭的认知和知识水平较低(Kamenov, huiki and jeliki, 2017;jugoviki and Ogresta, 2017)。此外,在克罗地亚范围内,关于性取向和性别认同的科学研究非常罕见。虽然有很多
LGBTIQ Parenthood in Croatia: Experiences and Perceptions
A growing number of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ1) people want to have or already have children (e.g. Goldberg and Allen, 2013; Pew Research survey, 2013). Scientific research published to date, including longitudinal and national probability studies, provides strong evidence that parental sexual orientation is not related to parenting effectiveness (adams and Light, 2015; Crouch et al., 2014; Goldberg and Allen, 2013; Manning, Fettro and Lamidi, 2014; Vučković Juroš, 2017). In other words, children growing up with LGBTIQ parents are similar to children living with heterosexual parents as concerns many relevant outcomes, including children’s wellbeing, academic achievement, cognitive development, social skills and mental health. Although societies differ in levels of formal or informal acknowledgement and in terms of the acceptance of LGBTIQ people, negative reactions are easily provoked when discussing LGBTIQ parenthood (Takács, Szalma and Bartus, 2016). Unlike families with heterosexual parents, families with LGBTIQ parents largely lack legal as well as social recognition and support (Takács and Szalma, 2011). They are also often exposed to stigmatization and discrimination (Takács, 2015). These negative experiences can have a broad negative impact on the wellbeing of LGBTIQ people and their children (Appell, 2003; Bos et al., 2004; Patterson, Fulcher and Wainright, 2002; Weber, 2010). Since the early 2000s, Croatian society has witnessed significant formal and societal changes in the direction of greater acceptance and acknowledgement of LGBTIQ people and their rights (Jurčić, 2018). Nonetheless, public discussions over the family lives of LGBTIQ people remain mostly negative and frequently do not move beyond expressions of personal attitudes and prejudice (Hodžić and Štulhofer, 2017). In general, public levels of recognition and knowledge about the families of LGBTIQ individuals are low (Kamenov, Huić and Jelić, 2017; Jugović and Ogresta, 2017). Furthermore, scientific studies on sexual orientation and gender identities are very rare within the Croatian context. While there are many in-